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Thread: PACABA 0: Forum on How Clean will the 13th GE be?

   
   
       
  1. #1
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    Oct 2008
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    PACABA 0: Forum on How Clean will the 13th GE be?

    Thank you to everyone for your contribution to make the Forum last night a success. You were great.

    My powerpoints for your reference.

    Objectives of Amendments to EOA is explained in Slide 25 of the powerpoint "Amendment to EOA.r1.190412". The key is not in the amendments. It is in the Gambarajah A "Layout Plan of the Polling Station" of the PSC Final Report. The additional clerk, ostensibly for indelible ink, is a spare clerk to be used to start a new voter queue should the KTM deem it necessary. In an election, the procedures must be very rigid and not subject to last minute change, except in an emergency. That way the candidate can plan. With this new layout, the EC has introduced a joker in the playing pack that they can use at short notice. There is no way a candidate can counter the addition of a new queue, especially in the Federal Territory, where there is only 1 Polling Agent present. In the State and Parliament seats, with 2 Polling Agents, maybe there is a chance to monitor but it's going to be a mess. That's leaves a huge opening for phantoms to walk in unimpeded.

    The question is: Was Ongkili privy to this plan?

    Think about it! The arrogance of the EC. They wanted the authority to decide on the schedules of the candidates' polling agents. It is absolutely breathtaking!

    Amendments.to.EOA.190412

    Forum.How.Clean.Will.GE13.Be?-Electoral.System

    ....................

    Dr. Wong Chin Huat:

    Malapportionment
    The Federal Constitution requires “approximately equal” electorate sizes for constituencies within the same states, with allowance given to the rural constituencies. The Election Commission creates an unconstitutional three-tiered scheme to mal-apportion constituencies. For parliamentary constituencies, urban >=60,000, semi-urban 30,000-59,000, rural <30,000. This is the electorate size in the 2004 elections, just after the 2003 constituency redelineation:

    a. Selangor:Kapar 104,185 (urban), Puchong 59,694 (semi-urban)
    b. Kedah:Baling 74,698 (urban), Alor Setar 57,313 (semi-urban)

    Clearly, the EC is not redelineating constituencies based on the degree of urbanisation, oreven ethnic composition as would believe? Why is it that the predominantly Malay backwater constituency of Baling had 30% more voters than the Chinese-majority urban centre of Alor Setar? Why is it that the largely rural Kapar had 74% more voters than the urbanised Puchong? Why is it that within the Puchong parliamentary constituency, the Malay-majority Sri Serdang had 39,688 voters while the neighbouring Chinese-majority Kinrara had nearly only a half, or20,006 voters? Why do certain Malay-majority constituencies like Baling and Sri Serdang tend to be huge? In 2008, UMNO lost Baling to PAS at a margin of 7,613 votes or nearly 12% of votes and UMNO retained Sri Serdang with only 45 votes? Is the malapportionment due to UMNO’s need for super-sized constituencies so that it can find enough supporters amongst the urban Malays or Malay heartland?

    Gerrymandering

    Part 1, Section 2 of the Thirteenth Schedule of the Federal Constitution stresses about the need of “the maintenance of local ties”, which is a clear rejection of gerrymandering. Why is it that the EC creates so many parliamentary and state constituencies which span across more than one local authorities? In Selangor, five parliamentary constituencies, namely Serdang, Kelana Jaya, Subang, Kota Raja and Sepang and two state constituencies, namely Sri Muda, Dengkil spanacross three constituencies, is this constitutional? The state constituency of Selat Klang consists of Pulau Ketam and four other islands and an unconnected strip of Klang township, is that constitutional?

    Postal Voters

    Why are police spouses registered as postal voters? Why can’t police spouses vote like normal people? There is no such provision in the Elections (Postal Voting) Regulations 2003. The little booklet produced by the EC today, it claims that the matter was provided by Regulation 3(1)(c). Unless the Regulation have been amended without the public knowledge, Regulation3(1)(c) provides only for members of the police force, not their spouses! In any case, Subregulation 6(2), Elections (Registration of Electors)Regulations 2002 only list military voters, civil servants overseas, students overseas and their spouses separately from ordinary voters. All others who receive postal ballots under Regulation3 of the Elections (Postal Voting) Regulations 2003, like the Election Commissioners andthe election officials, are actually ordinary voters who need to apply to be postal voters before every election. Why is it that the EC violates regulations formulated by itself to grant police spouses the status of permanent postal voters?

    py

  2. #2
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
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    One rural vote worth six urban ballots, favours BN, analysts say


    By Shannon Teoh and Ida Lim
    April 25, 2012
    http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/m...s-bn-analysts/

    PETALING JAYA, April 25 — The Election Commission’s (EC) drawing of electoral boundaries makes a rural voter worth an average of six urban voters, biasing elections towards Barisan Nasional (BN) as it is stronger in the countryside, according to poll analysts.
    Election watchdog Tindak Malaysia founder PY Wong said the ruling coalition won 112 out of the smallest 139 federal seats in Election 2008, giving it simple majority in Parliament with just 18.9 per cent of the popular vote. The seats have not been changed for the next general election.

    “Something is seriously wrong when you can win 50.4 per cent of Parliament with just 18.9 per cent of the votes,” he told a forum here last night.

    Wong said malapportionment — unequally-sized constituencies — and gerrymandering — manipulation of electoral boundaries — also allowed the ruling coalition to rack up 62 of the smallest seats with just 6.2 per cent of the popular vote.
    Something is seriously wrong when you can win 50.4 per cent of Parliament with just 18.9 per cent of the votes
    He pointed out how the smallest federal seat was Putrajaya, won by BN, with 6,008 voters, while Kapar, won by PKR, had over 112,000.

    Another analyst, Wong Chin Huat, pointed out that the smallest 112 seats only represented 33.8 per cent of the electorate.

    The Bersih steering committee member said this allowed for the lopsided results in 2004, where BN won 90.9 per cent of Parliament with just 63.9 per cent of the popular vote, while Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail was PKR’s sole MP despite gaining 8.4 per cent of votes cast.
    “This means one vote for BN was worth 26 votes for PKR,” he said.


    Chin Huat said malapportionment and gerrymandering have been made easier after a constitutional provision, which stated the largest and smallest seats may only have a 15 per cent differential, was amended in 1962 to 50 per cent and then abolished completely in 1973.

    The lecturer at Monash University, Sunway, said Bersih proposed to solve the rural bias by ensuring that the maximum size of the largest state seat can only be half of the smallest federal seat.

    “If they have small rural parliamentary seats, this will only create many urban state seats and give urban voters control of the state governments. By linking Parliament and state seats, you avoid the bias,” he said.

    Pakatan Rakyat (PR) denied BN its customary two-thirds supermajority of Parliament at the last general election by capturing 82 federal seats and five state governments.

    Although the opposition coalition marginally won the popular vote in Peninsular Malaysia, it only took 80 out of the 166 federal seats available there. But it has now lost six seats as the winning lawmakers have turned independent and support BN in parliament.

    Bersih will hold a sit-in rally this weekend to press its demands for electoral reforms despite a parliamentary select committee (PSC) making its recommendations to the EC.
    py

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