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Thread: Politics: Can PAS hold the middle ground? S. Thayaparan

   
   
       
  1. #1
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    Politics: Can PAS hold the middle ground? S. Thayaparan


    Can PAS hold the middle ground?





    • 8:11AM Nov 21, 2012


    "(They) have deviated from Islam and should be condemned to hell." Dr Mahathir Mohamad on the proponents of the implementation of hudud ('A code of their own', Time Magazine, 2002)


    COMMENT The big winner in the public relations stakes of the recently concluded PAS muktamar would appear to be Abdul Hadi Awang.

    The "for all" in the "PAS for all" tagline is mainly for the non-Muslims/Malay. I have often made the argument that the sole political party in Malaysia, which has a firm ideological stance and have demonstrated commitment to its rhetoric, is PAS.

    Whatever your views on Islam, PAS over the long Umno watch has been consistent in its rejection of Umno framing the conflict in religious terms, which often times pitted them against DAP.

    The argument often made by DAP partisans is that PAS needs the coalition (thus the Chinese vote) to have a chance to claim the throne in Putrajaya. While this may be true, I would argue that without PAS, there would be no coalition with a credible chance of forming a new government.

    Hadi Awang, who at one time was the poster boy of the Pakatan Rakyat apparatchiks as a vote spoiler and possible Umno puppet, has seen his image rehabilitated. Former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad has been partly responsible for Hadi Awang's good fortune in the public relations department.

    Objective PAS watchers would no doubt recall the time when Hadi Awang was hell-bent on imposing hudud in Terengganu that resulted in the then prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi proclaiming that the police would not enforce such laws.

    Hadi Awang who was convinced that Muslims and non-Muslims would embrace such laws had even identified specific sites where prisons would be built but did not offer any specifics on how amputations and stonings would be carried out.

    This, of course, led the good doctor to utter the quote that begins this piece. All of which makes Mahathir's baiting of PAS concerning hudud for all, even more hilarious.

    Winning the middle ground


    Hadi Awang's ‘secular' response on PAS' commitment to respect the beliefs of ‘others' is further evidence that PAS is shrewdly maintaining the middle ground while Umno and its outsourced bullyboys doggedly spout right-wing bile in the hopes of fear-mongering their way back to the middle ground.

    And therein lays the problem. Umno has no concept of what the middle ground is. For years, the Umno-defined middle ground was that of appeasement by its non-Malay coalition partners and system of discrimination in the guise of an affirmative action policy. As a former high-ranking Umno minister succinctly put it, Umno unlike PAS has no ideological foundation to build anything on.

    What Umno has is a system of patronage that results in internal power struggles with warlords deciding the direction of the party. In others words, there is no ideological tensions within Umno. This is why on a micro level there has never been any need to discover a compromise. This translates into a macro level of not understanding that the middle ground is defined by a large section of the voting public.

    PAS, on the other hand, has always had to contend with the tensions that arise when the moderate and extreme impulses within the party collide. Over the years, one or the other has held sway over the political and social direction of the party.

    Post-tsunami 2008, the ascendancy of the moderates, or the so-called Erdrogans, has seen them having to contend with elements in their party who are singing the Umno tune and the realisation that for the time being they have to get used to the opposition benches.

    These elements singing the Umno tune should not be confused with those who genuinely believe that PAS has lost its way. What Umno has been partially successful in doing is create an atmosphere within PAS where genuine dissent is conflated with the polemics emanating from Umno stool pigeons.

    This whole idea of ‘tahaluf siyasi' (political consensus) with Pakatan and the concept of ‘welfare state' has been propagandised by Umno as a rejection of the Islamic path, but the reality is political compromise and socialistic elements is not alien to the Malaysian landscape, the only difference here is that Umno is not doing the defining.

    The problem with Islam (anywhere in the world) is that the hardliners have always defined the religion. In PAS, where the ebb and flow of clashing ideologies has always favoured the hardliners, it has finally been halted by political expediency.

    The prospect of federal rule is a prize too good to pass up and it is to the credit of PAS that they are slowly realising that the Wahhabi strain of Islam is not the only avenue of Islamic expression.

    If Umno could in form portray itself as a moderate Islamic entity with the collusion of its non-Malay/Muslim partners, then perhaps PAS could in substance reinvent itself as a moderate Muslim force with partners who were not subservient to the sole political party that defines itself as the defender of Islam.

    However, the real conundrum is that, the non-Malay/Muslim vote that has always been linked to the middle ground in the end would prove untenable because of the changing demographic.

    The brilliance of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim and his partners is that they have tenuously defined the middle ground on issues of cronyism and corruption, but the downside of this is that they have not defined religious freedom as all encompassing.
    What they have ensured is that Islam in theory never trespasses onto the domains of the non-Malays. In other words, the Malay/Islam majority population would still be at the mercy of their so-called religious betters in the form of PAS.

    PAS has never had an incentive to recalibrate its dogma, assuming that its new-found popularity was because Islam or the kind PAS propagates was gaining acceptance by a large section of the voting public. This, of course, is nowhere near reality.

    Heady times ahead

    The separate but equal ideology that has pacified the more exuberant hardliners will in the end prove disastrous to the majority Malay community if ever PAS' influences become overpowering. Hadi Awang's speech with nary a mention of hudud must have warmed the hearts of Pakatan partisans as a confirmation that the whole hudud issue was passé.

    However, PAS members themselves tell me that with the corruption shenanigans in Kedah, some members feel that PAS' existential crisis has more to do with a lack of moral fortitude within their own ranks brought upon by the quest for federal power.

    These are heady times for the power players in PAS. Post-tsunami 2008 they have had to contend with a whole range of issues all the while dodging the hudud bullet.

    PAS is on record as stating they have no objection to a non-Malay prime minister so long as that person is a Muslim. They have endorsed the concept of ‘Ketuanan Rakyat' in place of ‘Ketuanan Melayu'. They have remained steadfast in the face of the Umno onslaught on their religious credibility and they have provided the muscle (making up the numbers) and handling the logistics of large-scale public demonstrations against the current regime.

    What they have not done is to define the middle ground without the aid of their partners. What they have not done is redefine their interpretation of Islam to make PAS an acceptable moderate choice even if they were not in the coalition.

    What PAS should be doing is using this phase of political compromise as a starting point in reforming its ideas, perhaps reconnecting with its own leftist ideology that it abandoned in favour of the Saudi-influenced Islam that has proven disastrous everywhere in the world.

    This is important because as long as Islam plays a role in the political process here in Malaysia and hudud is a card in the deck, the dream of a true multicultural/religious Malaysia will remain just that, a dream.



    S THAYAPARAN is Commander (rtd) of Royal Malaysian Navy.
    py

  2. #2
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    The politics of accommodation in PAS




    • 2:50PM Nov 20, 2012


    COMMENT Islamist parties throughout the world are grappling with new roles and responsibilities. PAS is no exception.
    The discussions at the party’s muktamar held in Kota Bharu last weekend highlight that PAS is adapting to new conditions globally and nationally, and in fact embracing reform.

    Perhaps more than any party in Malaysia, PAS is engaging in accommodation.

    Despite news reports focusing on the comments of one or two individuals - a common feature, especially in the reporting of Malaysia’s Islamic party - PAS is moving towards a more nationally-oriented position in which it can play a prominent role as a partner in an alternative government.

    In fact, judging by its actions and the meeting taken as a whole rather than the words reported, the muktamar highlights that PAS is continuing to embrace more progressive positions, especially among its leadership.

    Its challenges, however, have more to do with winning over its more parochial and conservative membership that is reluctant to change and struggling to adapt and understand a more complex and demanding political environment.

    We are for Pakatan

    One message that resounded at the muktamar was PAS' commitment to Pakatan Rakyat. Every component of the party - from the ulama and the spiritual leader to the women’s wing - stated categorically that PAS was an integral part of the alternative coalition.

    In fact, those linked to the alternative position of ‘unity’ with Umno were conspicuously absent. The unity group has been marginalised in PAS, and even faced open criticism for taking positions in public that conflict with the consensus of the leadership.

    The surprising person leading the charge in this criticism was no other than one of the most conservative ulama, Harun Din. Definitively, PAS has taken a stand: we are for Pakatan.

    This message was apparent in other ways as well. Rather than present its own alternative vision of governance - as has happened in the past with the welfare state concept, for example - the thrust was on reaffirming connections to the common platform, notably the Buku Jingga.

    This sense of collaboration was repeatedly echoed in the inclusion of non-Malays (whose support is essential for the party to hold onto its current seats and make electoral gains in states like Negeri Sembilan and Johor) and in engagement with the artistic and cultural communities.

    Importantly, discussion on the decisive, dividing issue of hudud was muted as its leaders aimed to show that, in the spirit of consensus, they would seek common ground. Repeatedly, the call for political consensus, tahaluf siyasi, was made - a consensus that its Pakatan partners will find essential.

    The PAS at this muktamar was not wedded to the past, but engaged in outreach for the future. The image of PAS as a group of mullah defending narrow conceptualisations of tradition and religion, banning social activities and limiting freedoms is no longer fair. The identity of PAS as a political party is changing.

    While some in the old guard and their protégées in the Youth wing are uncomfortable with PAS’ more modern open approach, the leadership as a whole, presided by Abdul Hadi Awang and reinforced by an overwhelming majority of progressives in the central committee and as members of parliament, embraced collaboration and greater tolerance.

    The repeated attacks on Umno and Najib Abdul Razak’s tenure further illustrated that their sights are focused in its partnership in Pakatan. Closing the meeting on the last day with a prayer for Umno’s defeat in elections was a powerful signal.

    The affirmation of a Pakatan commitment has been overshadowed by questions arising from mainstream media reports on the muktamar, namely the issue of whether Hadi Awang wants to be premier and whether he supports Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim in that position.

    Attention continues to centre on possible points of division, with the hope of driving a wedge among parties that have worked and governed together for four years.

    Hadi Awang repeated that he does not want the premiership. Many people, however, refuse to accept his response.

    Tackling trust deficits


    Globally, Islamist parties face trust deficits. PAS faces this on multiple fronts - from whether the party is truly loyal to the opposition to their goals in office. PAS is also hounded by its past, when it joined Umno in the 1970s, only to lose its credibility, and its soul. Memories of PAS’ betrayal of the trust of voters run deep, especially among older voters.

    Even more suspicion exists among liberals and/or non-Muslims who believe that PAS is the driver of religious intolerance, curbs on religious freedom and limits on women’s rights.

    Years of media socialisation and PAS’s own record in places like Terengganu underscore this anxiety and it only takes a few trigger words such as “hudud” or “ulama leadership” to open the floodgates of possible additional trauma.

    The fact is that trust once broken is very hard to rebuild. In this muktamar, PAS’ challenge of building trust manifested itself clearly as focus continued to be on the triggers of division rather than on cohesion. A question that arises from this muktamar is whether PAS can overcome this trust deficit with those who are inclined toward suspicion. Are doubts so embedded that views cannot change?

    What is not always clearly understood is that PAS’s current young leadership is also facing a trust deficit from the old guard in the party. The proponents of internal distrust come from the protégées of the old guard ulama in the Youth wing.

    While the rank-and-file are committed to Pakatan, some of the PAS’ delegates at the muktamar are uncertain about the progressive path adopted by the current leaders. This was evident in the attack on party organ Harakah for its open coverage of news. It was also evident in personal attacks on progressive PAS leaders who espouse tolerance.

    The source of this distrust is multiple - many in the old guard are staunchly conservative and resist reform. PAS is not the only party with old fashioned outlooks, but disproportionally the party has many of them. The more cutting element of distrust comes from the fact that some of the progressives have openly called for an end to the ulama leadership of the party.

    Some of the ulama feel under attack and this reinforces their defensiveness and, in some cases, reactionary responses. The ulama are uncomfortable with displacement and accepting accommodation as they feel this leads to their marginalisation. They are uneasy with the dissolution of their influence and this feeds into the distrust from within.

    Political tests and risks


    Bringing a party toward reform is never easy, especially when old mindsets persist. It is compounded when there are interests involved. It was thus clear that the progressive PAS leadership is facing its biggest test in the next election battle. They have to show with electoral victories that their approach is earning support.

    It is not enough for the progressives to point to coalitions between Islamists and other groups in countries like Tunisia and Turkey, for the PAS progressive leadership has to deliver at home. A failure to win seats will allow the traditional, conservative old guard to return to the leadership.

    This election is as much about Pakatan as it is about the future of Islamism in Malaysia. Voters will decide whether PAS is more tolerant, more democratic and inclusive, or whether it returns to the dark ages and pushes Malaysia away from a modern future.

    Make no bones about it, the dark forces in PAS are waiting for the chance to come back to power at any sign of weakness of the current progressive leaders in the party.

    On some fronts, they have interests in the failure of the PAS progressives. The old guards and their protégées want a return of stronger conservative ulama leadership, and are uncomfortable with the spiritual role that the ulama currently hold. They know that if PAS does well electorally, it will minimise the possibility of ulama taking on more positions in the helm of the party.

    They also fear further displacement with greater electoral gains and winning government. Many ulama lack the skills to take on technocratic governing positions, and those with old guard mindsets are often too closed in outlook to win over the support needed for electoral victory. Insecurity among some inside the party fuels the internal distrust.

    PAS delegates are also frustrated that they are on the firing line electorally. Many feel that PAS is competing in the most difficult seats, in Felda areas for example, and has uphill battles to win seats.

    As the pouring of goodies continues in the Malay heartland in the rural constituencies dominated by state-owned media, PAS faces a serious struggle to win over voters.

    Many delegates felt that the obstacles they face electorally in winning Malay votes was not appreciated within Pakatan and some even worried that the coming general election could lead to their marginalisation in the governing coalition.

    The new role in Pakatan is not just about commitment to the coalition, but confidence that the party will continue to have a place and prominent position. Many delegates expressed the desire to be better treated in Pakatan, as an asset and partner.

    Three-pronged approach

    While seats are competitive for all the parties, disproportionally PAS as a party does have serious obstacles in making electoral gains. The party is locked in a battle with Umno for Malay votes, and grappling with effective approaches to woo and reach non-Malay voters. What is telling is that advocating for hudud is not prominent among these approaches.

    Instead there are three prongs in PAS’ contemporary engagement.

    Foremost, PAS centres on the issue of corruption. This is the moral core of its campaign, the call for voters to reject abuses of power. The steps taken to declare assets within the party at the muktamar reveals that it is building safeguard procedures within the party.

    Second, PAS has emphasised greater representativeness in its slate of candidates. It is bringing in more technocrats, former civil servants, entrepreneurs and security personal, and women. PAS is extending its umbrella to include more pluralism is its prospective candidates.

    Finally, PAS has reaffirmed its adherence to democratic principles. When speaking to the delegates in his closing speech, Hadi Awang emphasised a premiership based on electoral performance, consensus and representativeness. Motions from the floor supported electoral reform movement Bersih and continued the commitment to electoral reform.

    What was perhaps more telling in democratic governance was the willingness to allow open views from delegates to be expressed. This muktamar was not a controlled event as delegates were allowed to raise concerns, and some of the points from the floor bordered on the bizarre.

    Unlike Umno, PAS has held party elections in the last few years and its leaders do have a party mandate. The leaders within the party faced criticism openly, a sign of strength not weakness.

    One of the most striking elements in this muktamar within PAS was the appreciation of difference. The reality is that the delegates know there are different views, but these differences were acceptable. The tolerance of difference within PAS has grown in its evolution in Pakatan.

    To judge a party based on its party congress is ultimately a flawed exercise. At best, the muktamar is a venue to assess trends and directions. Pakatan loyalty, progressive leadership and strengthening democracy stood out. This said, there are differences within PAS over many issues, from hudud and ulama leadership to electoral strategies.

    But differences are normal. What is important is the way differences are addressed - through debate, engagement and adherence to principles. The 58th muktamar showed that the PAS is not shying away from these tough issues, an important evolution for any party hoping to win support to govern nationally.


    DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University and she can be reached at bwelsh@smu.edu.sg. She was an observer at the 58th PAS Muktamar in Kota Baru.
    py

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