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  1. #11
    Join Date
    Oct 2008

    James West: How the Conspiracy work in the US

    James West: How the Conspiracy work in the US

    Now I imagine if I was as highly organized a criminal organization as the United States government/banking cartel that I would employ a vast empire of minions, all of whom would be tasked with generating scads of complicated and contradictory data, so that the sharper tacks in the crowd wouldn’t be able to call “Bulls**t” on my little ponzi enterprise. And obviously, since this criminal organization also happens to be the government, this ruse would have the veil of respectability afforded by official sanction. I would call these data avalanches “statistics”. I would feed them to a perception management apparatus, and call that “media”. The statistics could then be rendered meaningful in “headlines”

    The headlines are disconcerting today, even if the bullish markets are to be expected on the day when another $819 billion are going to join the impressive-sounding yet increasingly worthless $12 trillion out there. If yields are increased and prices dropped to entice buying, isn’t that sort of like a kick back to a broker for pushing a worthless stock on his clientele? His clientele wouldn’t buy it unless he did, and the stock issuer bribes him so he gets it for cheaper than his clientele.

    I’m assuming the justification for the “stimulus” package is to create employment so people can become eligible for more credit so they can buy more stuff that they already have but would buy more new of if it was doable with free money. Since the banks default and get rewarded with free government money, and the government is the bank, so its ponzi scheme never gets raided by the SEC, the lesson here for the public is, the bigger the debt you default on, the more money you’ll be given to keep you afloat, so that everybody thinks everything is just fine.

    Our government not only conducts itself in a criminal manner, we now export a criminal education to future generations by virtue of our actions.

    Meanwhile, the prices of gold and silver are ruthlessly manipulated (or “managed” as the perpetuators of the ongoing crime consider it), because the biggest signal to purchasers of U.S. debt that the dollar was no longer viable would be runaway monetary metals prices. That relationship should now be crystal clear to even the most uneducated and disconnected observer of currency and precious metals markets.

    More… (Subscription required)

  2. #12
    Join Date
    Oct 2008



    Why class matters

    19 Jun 09 : 8.00AM By Farish Noor

    AS a teacher, I can tell you that students can and will find any excuse
    under the sky in order to escape classes, and to not study. What is odd for
    me is that in Malaysia, there are also politicians, political activists,
    ideologues and public commentators who likewise refuse a political

    Some politicians do not take too kindly to the word "class", for reasons as
    confused as their reasoning. We are told that any class analysis is
    dangerously close to the bugbear of Marxist thought (and that surely is
    dangerous!) or that discussion of class-based issues can "go above the
    heads" of some.

    Well yes, class analysis can and will go above the heads of most as long as
    we remain an intellectually stunted and challenged nation. We live in a
    society where the popular understanding of class remains confined to the
    word "classroom". Should we be surprised then if Malaysians in general and
    some Malaysian politicians in particular do not wish to engage in
    discussions about class structures and struggle? Or that they are adverse to
    any class-based analysis of the racialised capitalist model the state

    Class matters because it offers us a concrete, objective and verifiable
    basis to any form of political analysis that may, in the long run, help us
    understand our country's muddled politics. For too long, Malaysian politics
    has been seen through the prism of race, ethnicity, language and culture.
    These are all general concepts rooted in subjectivities that are relative,
    change with the times, and are next to impossible to measure accurately.

    Furthermore, so much of what passes as political discussion in this
    country - particularly when it comes to discussing the fiction of "race" -
    is rooted in essentialisms that are over-simplified and not even empirically

    So why this reluctance to talk about something real and rooted for a change,
    such as class?

    Shallow understanding

    As an academic who teaches political theory and history, I am deeply worried
    when politicians demonstrate a reluctance to deal with real class
    differentials. For that would be like trying to discuss sexism or racism
    without rooting the discussion in the realities of power and power

    A cursory view of the state of popular politics in Malaysia at present would
    show just how shallow and weak our grasp of power realities are at the
    moment, and how our discursive landscape is cluttered with essentialised
    First Durbar (Conference of Rulers) held at Kuala Kangsar, Malaya in 1897;
    Seated (l-r): Hugh Clifford (Resident of Pahang), JP Rodger (Resident of
    Selangor), Sir Frank Swettenham (Resident-General), Sultan Ahmad (Pahang),
    Sultan Abdul Samad (Selangor), Sir Charles Mitchell (British High
    Commissioner), Sultan Idris (Perak), Tuanku Muhammad (Yand di Pertuan Besar
    of Negeri Sembilan) and WH Treacher (Resident of Perak)

    All this spurious talk of "Malay unity", for instance, is predicated on the
    idea that there is some homogenous Malay "race" out there to be united. But
    the reality is that racial differences were, and remain, a construct of the
    colonial era and an instrumental fiction that was used to divide and rule
    the colonised natives.

    Likewise talk of preserving ethnic and racial identity - be it through
    vernacular schools or the vernacular media - again assumes that there are
    communities that exist distinct from each other in neatly isolated and
    insulated racial-ethnic bubbles. The reality is that we are all hybrid
    creatures inhabiting a shared discursive cultural and linguistic public

    Class solidarity

    Class matters in Malaysia for one simple reason. It is when we focus on the
    real disparities of income, wealth and power differentials that we see that
    the lot of poor Malaysians, regardless of their racial categorisations, are
    closer to each other than they realise.

    A poor fisherfolk trying to make a living in the village of Bachok,
    Kelantan, has more in common with a poor vegetable seller in Ipoh or a
    rubber tapper in Perak. They may be of different ethno-linguistic-cultural
    backgrounds, but their economic and social status are the same.

    It is upon realising these commonalities that there can be class solidarity,
    and people can begin to work and help each other on the basis of shared
    interests. It is also on this shared basis that we Malaysians can see each
    other as fellow citizens rather than as members of different
    ethno-linguistic-religious communities.

    For this to happen, however, there has to be some degree of political
    education in Malaysia; at least one that furnishes our citizens with a
    modicum of understanding about politics, representation, fundamental rights,
    responsibilities and entitlements. And while teachers like me go about doing
    all this teaching, we hope that some of our politicians will learn, and help
    us, too.

    What do politicians want?

    Malaysian politicians - of all parties and on both sides of the political
    fence - have to decide whether they want political power for themselves or
    political education - and eventually emancipation - for the people they
    claim to represent.

    Politicians claiming to speak for the rakyat and then having gigantic
    posters and banners erected on their behalf do nothing to empower citizens
    and foster better relations between disparate Malaysians.

    This is a question every politician should ask her/himself. It's a question
    that the public needs to also ask of politicians. Is politics merely about
    the acquisition of power and the perks that come with it, or is politics
    about the political emancipation and empowerment of the masses?

    If it is about emancipation and empowerment, we need to understand that a
    politically educated and emancipated electorate will expect and demand more
    from the people they elect to represent, and not lead, them. They will
    demand more, say more, protest more. But they will also participate and
    contribute more to the development of a working democracy in any country.

    Of course, old-school politicians may not take too kindly to a politicised
    Malaysian public that is better educated, knows their rights, and
    consequently demands more. But a politician who is genuinely committed to
    the ideal of democratic emancipation will greet these developments with a
    smile, and know that she/he has done the job well.

    The same dilemma is faced by school teachers, by the way. The teacher can
    choose to dominate his/her students and impose his/her will on them via a
    narrow pedagogy that is constraining. Or a teacher can open up the minds of
    students instead.

    Choosing the latter, admittedly, means having to teach many an opinionated
    and headstrong student. But it is my most independent-minded students who
    have always turned out to be the best students, and who later went on to do
    better things than I could have dreamt of. It is not for me to take credit
    for their success, but I am thankful that I was not the one who limited
    their potential either.

    Politicians should start doing the same.
    Dr Farish A Noor is basically a school teacher, and quite content to remain
    so. He is one of the founders of the research site,
    along with Dr Yusseri Yusof.

  3. #13
    Join Date
    Oct 2008

    Re: THE RAT RACE PART IV THE PYRAMID: Seg 2 - How the British Empire collapsed

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    Segment 2: Who Controls the US?
    The second significant shift in power to the FC occurred at the end of World War II. The US emerged as the pre-eminent global power. She wanted access to the global markets. Great Britain was exhausted by the two world wars. In exchange for being retained as the number two after the US, Britain ceded control of world power.

    1. Britain agreed to give up her colonies to open up the world markets to US trade. (And we thought our UMNO heroes fought the British and secured Merdeka for Malaya.)
    2. She ceded the role of Sterling as a global currency and accepted the USD as the new global reserve currency, under the Bretton Woods Agreement in 1944. The US held 65% of the World Central Bankers gold reserves back then. More here and here
    Here's corroboration on what we wrote earlier on the transfer of global power from Britain to the US:

    How the British Empire collapsed
    Before delving into the most obvious strategy items left to control the Taliban, it is appropriate to examine the historical reasons for the collapse of the British Empire, if for nothing else but to tell ourselves that the status quo can indeed be changed with a bit of will.

    Writing in the Wall Street Journal this week, Zachary Karabell notes the following:

    Consider what happened in 1946, when a cash-strapped Great Britain turned to the US for a loan. For 30 years or more, the British had been consumed by the threat of a rising Germany. Two wars had been fought, millions of lives had been lost, and the British treasury was dramatically depleted in the process. Britain survived, but the costs were substantial.

    In spite of its global empire, a powerful military, and an enviable position at the center of world-wide commerce, in early 1946 the British government faced a serious risk of defaulting on its financial obligations. So it did what it had done at various points over the previous decade and turned to its closest ally for assistance. It asked the US for a loan of $5 billion at zero-interest repayable over 50 years. As generous as those terms seem today, such financing had been almost routine in years prior. To the surprise and shock of the British, Washington refused.

    Unable to take no for answer, Britain explained that unless it received funds the government would be insolvent. The Americans came back with a series of conditions. They would lend Britain $3.7 billion at 2% interest, and the British government would have to abide by the 1944 Bretton Woods plan, which made the dollar rather than the pound sterling the reference point for global exchange rates and required Britain to make the pound freely convertible. Even more significantly, Britain had to end its system of imperial preferences, which meant no more tariffs and duties on goods to and from colonies such as India. These were not mere financial penalties: taken together, they meant the end of the British Empire.

    While interesting from a historical perspective, Karabell perhaps understated the role of another bit of change over the same period - the decline of the opium trade. For it wasn't the textiles of India or the rubies from Myanmar that kept the great British Empire alive but rather the humble opium den.

    Destroying the landscape of India with forced farming of opium and selling the finished product in China with handsome profits along the way, the British Empire essentially derived a quarter of its revenues or more from the opium trade; income that was readily useful in dealing with the pesky Prussians and Germans in World Wars I and II.

    I would recommend readers examine the subject at length in tomes such as Sea of Poppies by Amitav Ghosh and Opium, Empire and the Global Political Economy by Carl Trocki which immediately come to mind.

    When the Chinese stopped smoking opium in the early part of the 20th century, the ramifications were felt on the existence of the British Empire. Atimes.

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