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Thread: The rat race part v - the malaysian rat race

   
   
       
  1. #11
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - RPK on history of Chinese citizenship & Malay Rights

    My Friday sermon: The Federation of Malaya Agreement 1948

    Posted by admin
    Friday, 13 March 2009 00:00

    “With the removal of this barrier, it was possible to admit approximately one million new citizens within 12 months of Merdeka and, of this number, roughly 800,000 were Chinese,” said Tun Tan Siew Sin.


    NO HOLDS BARRED

    Raja Petra Kamarudin


    Many Malaysians comment (verbally or in Blog postings) based purely on their personal opinions but totally devoid of facts. Now, I am not saying that you are not entitled to your opinions. After all, opinions are like assholes -- everybody has one. But if you have to express an opinion just please make sure it is based on historical background. Therefore, research first before you open your gap.

    Let us look at just one issue (there are of course many issues that are bones of contention to Malays as well as non-Malays alike) that has split this country into racial compartments and has been a constant stumbling block in our effort to propagate the ideals of a one race, one country. And that one needling issue is about Malay Rights and Special Privileges.

    I am, according to the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, Malay. That is also what Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad said in his Aljazeera interview recently when asked whether he considers himself Malay. But this does not mean I support any and all policies that favour Malays above others. Hell, even Islam is opposed to racial discrimination -- according to Prophet Muhammad in his last Friday sermon in Arafah. So, being Muslim, should I not also put Islam above race, in keeping with the tenets of Islam?

    Malays consider me a traitor to my race. I have been called many worst things before so that is the least of my worries. The problem is, I really don’t know what race I am although, according to the Malaysian Constitution, I am considered Malay. Can I be not Malay? Can’t I just be a plain and simple Malaysian? What is so wrong if I refuse to be Malay and instead be just a Malaysian?

    Anyway, this article is not about me. It is about Malaysians, in particular those who are not Malay, commenting about issues that irk them but their comments do not take into consideration the background of the entire scenario. Now, before you go for my jugular, please don’t misinterpret this as me supporting the pro-Malay policy. I do not. What I am saying is: first understand the issue before commenting on it.

    Of course you can disagree with certain policies and situations. After all, we did not create them but merely inherited them. No one is saying you must accept the situation without protest. You are also at liberty to fight and struggle against what you disagree with in your effort to bring about changes. In fact, that is our duty, especially for Muslims -- because Islam makes it mandatory to oppose persecution, discrimination, injustice and whatnot. But how do you fight for change when you first of all do not even understand why the situation is what it is?

    We have such a thing called the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. How, in the first place, did we get to own a written Constitution? The Constitution was the result of the 1948 Federation of Malaya Agreement. Now, remember, in 1948, Malaya was still under the British Colonial Government. Malaya was not granted Merdeka until 1957. So, this whole thing is a British doing, in spite of the fact that Britain itself does not have a written Constitution. And the Federation of Malaya Agreement of 1948 was not only the basis of our Constitution but also the terms of Merdeka.

    Okay, against that backdrop, read the following pieces below and then, and only then, let us debate the issue of Malay Rights and Special Privileges in a matured and intelligent manner, minus the outbursts, name-calling, insults and emotions devoid of substance.
    **********************************

    When negotiating the terms of independence before that date, the MCA had asked that every Chinese who could legitimately claim to be regarded as a citizen should be allowed to become a citizen with the achievement of independence. It is a tribute to the farsighted statesmanship of UMNO and its leaders that they reacted sympathetically to this request. To give effect to this sympathy, a provision was inserted in the constitution itself to the effect that “good character” meant any person who had not been in jail during the period of three years preceding his application for citizenship.

    This was the main stumbling block to the acquisition of citizenship in colonial days. With the removal of this barrier, it was possible to admit approximately one million new citizens within 12 months of Merdeka and, of this number, roughly 800,000 were Chinese. If the Malays had been against giving a fair deal to the Chinese in the matter of citizenship, they would not have allowed such a situation to develop.

    The next major issue was the one concerning the special position of the Malays. Not many people are aware that this provision was inserted in the 1948 Federation of Malaya Agreement as part of the special responsibilities of the High Commissioner in the following terms: The safeguarding of the special position of the Malays and of the legitimate interests of other communities.

    It will be seen that this simple phrase could mean nothing. It could also mean everything. It was vague, it was also comprehensive, and it was comprehensive enough as to be capable of being interpreted in a way which could mean the virtual elimination of Chinese economic interests in important sectors of the economy. Here again, with independence, this omnibus provision was scaled down to a precise definition so that it will be clear to all what this provision means. You will find it in article 153 of the Constitution. I have no time in a speech of this nature to tell you exactly what it means or what it does not mean, but very briefly, the effect of this provision is that, firstly, all existing rights are preserved; secondly, no citizen can be prohibited from engaging in business activity or deprived of his right to engage in business activity merely because he is a non-Malay.

    Tun Tan Siew Sin in his speech at the Delegates’ Conference of the Hokkien Association of Malaysia in Kuala Lumpur on 22nd May 1965.
    **********************************

    THE REID COMMISSION

    Report of the Federation of Malaya Constitutional Commission 1957
    (London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office)
    Colonial No. 330

    THE SPECIAL POSITION OF THE MALAYS

    163. Our terms of reference require that provision should be made in the Constitution for the “safeguarding of the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of other Communities”. In addition, we are asked to provide for a common nationality for the whole of the Federation and to ensure that the Constitution shall guarantee a democratic form of Government. In considering these requirements it seemed to us that a common nationality was the basis upon which a unified Malayan nation was to be created and that under a democratic form of Government it was inherent that all the citizens of Malaya, irrespective of race, creed or culture, should enjoy certain fundamental rights including equality before the law. We found it difficult, therefore, to reconcile the terms of reference if the protection of the special position of the Malays signified the granting of special privileges, permanently, to one community only and not to the others. The difficulty of giving one community a permanent advantage over the others was realized by the Alliance Party, representatives of which, led by the Chief Minister, submitted that – “in an independent Malaya all nationals should be accorded equal rights, privileges and opportunities and there must not be discrimination on grounds of race and creed…” The same view was expressed by their Highnesses in their memorandum, in which they said that they “look forward to a time not too remote when it will become possible to eliminate Communalism as a force in the political and economic life of the country”.

    164. When we came to determine what is “the special position of the Malays” we found that as a result of the original treaties with the Malay States, reaffirmed from time to time, the special position of the Malays has always been recognized. This recognition was continued by the provisions of clause 19(1)(d) of the Federation Agreement, 1948, which made the High Commissioner responsible for safeguarding the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of other communities. We found that there are now four matters with regard to which the special position of the Malays is recognized and safeguarded.

    (1) In most of the States there are extensive Malay reservations of land, and the system of reserving land for Malays has been in operation for many years. In every State the Ruler-in-Council has the power to permit a non-Malay to acquire a piece of land in a Malay reservation but the power is not used very freely. There have been some extensions of reservations in recent years but we do not know to what extent the proportion of reserved land has been increasing.

    (2) There are now in operation quotas for admission to the public services. These quotas do not apply to all services, e.g., there is no quota for the police and, indeed, there is difficulty in getting a sufficient proportion of non-Malays to join the police. Until 1953 admission to the Malayan Civil Service was only open to British subjects of European descent and to Malays but since that date there has been provision for one-fifth of the entrants being selected from other communities. In other services in which a quota exists the rule generally is that not more than one-quarter of new entrants should be non-Malays.

    (3) There are not also in operation quotas in respect of the issuing of permits or licenses for the operation of certain businesses. These are chiefly concerned with road haulage and passenger vehicles for hire. Some of these quotas are of recent introduction. The main reasons for them appear to be that in the past the Malays have lacked capital and have tended to remain on the land and not to take a large part in business, and that this is one method of encouraging the Malays to take a larger part in business enterprises.

    (4) In many classes of scholarships, bursaries and other forms of aid for educational purposes preference is given to Malays. The reason for this appears to be that in the past higher education of the Malays has tended to fall behind that of the Chinese, partly because the Chinese have been better able to pay for it and partly because it is more difficult to arrange higher education for Malays in the country than for Chinese in the towns.

    165. We found little opposition in any quarter to the continuance of the present system for a time, but there was great opposition in some quarters to any increase of the present preferences and to their being continued for any prolonged period. We are of opinion that in present circumstances it is necessary to continue these preferences. The Malays would be at a serious and unfair disadvantage compared with other communities if they were suddenly withdrawn. But, with the integration of the various communities into a common nationality which we trust will gradually come about, the need for these preferences will gradually disappear. Our recommendations are made on the footing that the Malays should be assured that the present position will continue for a substantial period, but that in due course the present preferences should be reduced and should ultimately cease so that there should then be no discrimination between races or communities.

    166. With regard to land we recommend (Art. 82) that, subject to two qualifications, there should be no further Malay reservations, but that each State should be left to reduce Malay reservations in that State at an appropriate time. Land is a State subject and we do not recommend giving overriding powers to the Federation in this matter. We do not think that it is possible to lay down in advance any time when a change should be made because conditions vary greatly from State to State. The two qualifications to the rule that there should be no further reservations are: first, that if any land at present reserved ceases to be reserved, an equivalent area may be reserved provided that it is not already occupied by a non-Malay; and, secondly, that if any undeveloped land is opened up, part of it may be reserved provided that an equivalent area is made available to non-Malays.

    167. The effect of our recommendations (Art. 157) is that with regard to other preferences to Malays no new quota or other preference could be created. These preferences can only be lawfully created or continued to the extent to which that is specifically authorized by the Constitution. With regard to the existing quotas which we have referred to above we recommend that the Malays ought to have a substantial period during which the continuance of the existing quota is made obligatory, but that, if in any year there are not enough Malay applicants qualified to fill their quota of vacancies, the number of appointments should not be reduced and other qualified applicants should be appointed in sufficient numbers to fill the vacancies. We recommend that after 15 years there should be a review of the whole matter and that the procedure should be that the appropriate Government should cause a report to be made and laid before the appropriate legislature; and that the legislature should then determine either to retain or to reduce any quota or to discontinue it entirely.

    http://mt.m2day.org/2008/content/view/19174/84/
    py

  2. #12
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    THE RAT RACE PART V - RPK's take on the role of the Sultans in Malayan History

    The biggest danger we must watch out for is the hypocrisy of UMNO and Mahathir with respect to history. They twist history to suit their agenda and to put the non-Malays on the defensive. That is part of their propaganda warfare against the Rats.

    History, as I see it

    Posted by admin
    Friday, 17 April 2009 16:53


    The British were superb diplomats. And they understood the meaning of ‘gunboat diplomacy’. Would you argue with a Kwailo whom had twenty large ships with big cannons anchored in your harbour?


    NO HOLDS BARRED

    Raja Petra Kamarudin


    Dr M: The young needs to be taught country’s history

    Former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad said today the young generations, especially the independence generations, should be taught the country’s history to ensure that they do not repeat past mistakes.

    More…
    py

  3. #13
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - Government vs Mafia

    Sounds like the Rat Race. Useful history lesson post-1957.

    More appropriate title should be ... How UMNO cheats?


    Government vs Mafia
    22 Apr 09 : 8.30AM By Wong Chin Huat

    WE are now told by the new Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak that by-elections are bad because they distract us from dealing with the economic crisis.

    This aversion towards elections is nothing new to Malaysia. In the spirit of learning our national history, let's revisit some past decisions made by Alliance/Barisan Nasional (BN) leaders.

    The BN's track record

    In March 1965, Tunku terminated local elections, which were mostly won by opposition parties, especially in the urban centres. Tunku promised to restore local elections once the Indonesian Confrontation was over. Of course, he never did. Neither did his five successors. Their reason?
    Elections are a waste of money.
    http://www.dapmalaysia.org/all-archi...ul/bul1778.htm

    In August 1965, Tunku expelled Singapore from the federation of Malaysia because Singapore Premier Lee Kuan Yew - like Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim 43 years later - was actively courting East Malaysians to challenge Umno rule. To be fair to Tunku, his Umno colleagues actually wanted a more repressive solution - Internal Security Act (ISA) detention for Lee and his People's Action Party lieutenants.

    In 1966, Sarawak Chief Minister Datuk Stephen Kalong Ningkan - from the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) - was ousted unconstitutionally following dubious defections, much like Perak's Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin 43 years later. When the Borneo High Court ruled to reinstate Ningkan, he wanted to let the people decide. http://www.dailyexpress.com.my/news.cfm?NewsID=62626

    However, before Ningkan could dissolve the legislature, the Tunku administration proclaimed emergency rule in Sarawak. The Federal and Sarawak constitutions were amended so that a motion of no-confidence could be passed and a more compliant chief minister appointed.

    The late Tun Mustapha Harun was allied to Tunku and also avoided elections in Sabah. In 1969, when the Malaya Alliance struggled to hold onto power, Mustapha's Sabah Alliance bagged the state's 16 seats through "walkovers". In later years, he even contemplated making himself a sultan.

    Tun Abdul Razak also had his moments in outmanoeuvring the electoral process. He expressed an aversion to "politicking" and preferred to focus on administration and development. After 1969, he gradually co-opted all but two parliamentary opposition parties, DAP and SNAP, first into coalition governments and later in 1974 into the BN.

    His reward? A total of 47 walkovers or 31% of parliamentary seats in the 1974 elections.

    In 1974, Razak also carved Chinese-Malaysian-majority Kuala Lumpur out of Selangor presumably to ensure that opposition parties like the DAP could never capture the state. The new Federal Territory was not to have its own state government, or any elected government for that matter.

    Razak's successor, Tun Hussein Onn, took a slightly different tack when faced with political difficulties. For example, he declared an emergency and imposed direct rule in Kelantan in 1977 when PAS, then a member of BN, tried to oust their own menteri besar, Datuk Mohamad Nasir, who was much-liked by Umno. Hussein lifted the emergency and went to polls four months later when Umno had strengthened its base. Umno and Nasir's splinter party, Berjasa, eventually thrashed PAS in the election.

    While elections under Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad were arguably never free or fair, he was particularly innovative in his own party's elections. In 1988, he effectively purged Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah's supporters, by triggering the deregistration of Umno and the creation of Umno Baru. To protect the incumbents, Mahathir introduced the quota for nominations for the presidency and other senior positions, which Najib now proposes to remove.

    In 1994, Anwar, then deputy prime minister and Umno deputy president, brought down the Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) state government through mass defections of lawmakers within a month after elections. Denying the use of financial inducement and coercive measures, Anwar recently reiterated that he merely "invited" those defectors. Of course, no fresh elections were
    called.

    One BN leader who made markedly different decisions was former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Musa Hitam. As the acting prime minister in 1985, he prevented Tun Mustapha's plot to install himself as Sabah chief minister despite not having a legislative majority, through - yes, even then - a palace coup.

    But Musa's decision can be seen to be the exception rather than the rule in the BN's elections track record.

    In February 2009, Najib orchestrated the downfall of Perak's elected government and installed Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir as menteri besar.

    While Anwar's Pakatan Rakyat (PR) has no legal or moral ground to protest the defections in Perak, why didn't the BN subsequently allow for a fresh poll?

    Their answer is the usual - elections are disruptive and wasteful, and now bad for the economy.

    Why are elections a must?

    Why must we have elections to decide our governments?

    Why can't we opt for horse-trading among lawmakers; palace coups; the rule of judges; military coups; mutinying police officers; mutinying bureaucracies; or mob rule à la Thailand's People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) as alternatives to topple and install governments?
    __________________________________________________

    PAD supporters armed with makeshift batons and golf clubs, 2008
    http://www.thenutgraph.com/user_uplo...-pad-demonstr\
    ation.jpg
    __________________________________________________

    Provided the people do not protest, these methods may well be much smoother, more efficient, peaceful and attractive to certain types of investors.

    So, why must the so-called liberal democrats and constitutional monarchists protest?

    The answer, in a nutshell, is that elections distinguish a government from a mafia or triad.

    A state is similar to the underworld in three senses: (a) they extract money; (b) they control territory; and (c) those living on their territories cannot opt out from being their subjects.

    Why do governments fight against foreign countries (war-making), suppress domestic rebels and outlaws (state-making) and offer law and order for their subjects (protection)? So that they may have the power to extract their subjects' resources (extraction).

    Charles Tilly, the American sociologist, called a spade a spade: war-making and state-making are but organised crimes. Four centuries before him, Tang Zhen, a Chinese thinker in Imperial China, called emperors thieves who fed on their subjects.
    https://netfiles.uiuc.edu/rohloff/ww...e%20making.pdf

    It is clear that in political theory, there is only a thin line between a government and a mafia or triad. While a government collects "taxes", a mafia or triad collects "protection fees". Sometimes, the mafia or triad is the government and carries out most governmental functions. For example, Kapitan Yap Ah Loy was both in 19th-century Kuala Lumpur.

    So, what is the real thin line between a government and a mafia or triad? sentation", which ignited the American Revolution.

    No mafia or triad will allow their subjects to elect their Godfather or Patriarch. You only have a duty to pay protection fees, but no right to elect your protector.

    In a civilised world, a state must not be like a mafia or triad. That's why electoral processes and elected governments must not be subverted.

    This month, when you pay your income tax, remember to cherish elections. Without elections, what you pay is only protection money.
    --------------------------------------------------------------
    A political scientist by training and a journalism lecturer by trade, Wong Chin Huat is based in Monash University Sunway Campus. He hopes his home state will soon cease to be a kleptocracy propped up by unelected institutions. If democracy can only be restored with two more by-elections in Perak, he would appreciate any act of God.

    Link
    py

  4. #14
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - No democracy with monopoly of power

    There is no democracy with monopoly of power

    Posted by admin
    Thursday, 23 April 2009 10:04

    It is not surprising that the new fangled concept of “One Malaysia”, just like its now neglected predecessor “Hadhari” and the even more famous one before that – “Vision 2020”, cannot but be machinations of a political party intent on holding on to monopoly of power. Where does democracy stand in all of this? UMNO democracy in my view is just the threadbare clothes that hide the nakedness of absolute power of the emperor using cheap slogans to fool the rakyat.

    By Batsman

    In terms of nation building Malaysia faces more problems than most. Most people grew to nationhood by the efforts of a population that shared a common culture and language. Unfortunately colonialism left us (as it did other poor countries as well) with a diverse mix of people with vastly different cultures and languages. Our history was interfered with and manipulated at the pleasure of our masters. This monopoly of power has not disappeared with independence but has instead been passed on to UMNO (this fact alone explains why UMNO is on such warm and friendly terms with our “wicked” colonial masters). This is our lot and we have to grapple with it, problems and all.

    UMNO has monopoly of power, but like its masters it likes to deal with illusions. It therefore pretends that its power legitimately derives from the people in democratic fashion and it conducts elections more or less regularly.

    The fact of the matter is somewhat different. UMNO has placed its cronies and henchmen in all the positions of power and influence in our civil service, judiciary, law enforcement and military. Not contented with this, UMNO plays the colonialist tricks of “divide and rule” which it learnt to perfection from our former colonial masters as well as passed on the nation’s wealth to privatised crony businesses and GLCs where CEO’s earn obscene salaries and bonuses to manage what are basically commodities and monopolies. These are the characteristics of not just a monopoly of power, but one which is intent on keeping it.

    More…
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  5. #15
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE CPM side of the Story

    No history of pre-merdeka Malaysia is complete without listening to the Communist Party of Malaya's side of the story.

    Here's a few to check out:


    Today, April 30, is Hari Parti Komunis Malaya.

    It’s timely too that a member of the Communist Party of Malaya has a blog. In it, is a blog post on the CPM’s comic book depicting the story of their 50 years struggle from 1930-80.

    I guess you won’t read this in the papers. So, I am telling it here.

    20 years ago, the Haadyai agreement between the Communist Party of Malaya and the government to abandon arms struggle was inked, with much pomp and fair.

    However, the existence of these soldiers who fought for Merdeka/Independence of Malaya continue to be ignored, news about them,totally black-out from the media until today.

    More…
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  6. #16
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE Ch 3.2

    THE RAT RACE PART V – CH. 3: A RAT’S LOOK AT MALAYAN HISTORY
    3.2: PRE-INDEPENDENCE (BEFORE 31 AUG 1957) – A RAT’S INTERPRETATION.

    FROM BEGINNING TO 1942

    We are now ready to examine ourselves based on the ideas that had been developed in the Rat Race series. Most of us go through life stuck in the Rat Race, focused solely on making money without being aware of the larger development around us - developments that have a greater impact on our lives, namely how the Ruling Class manipulate and exploit us.

    The manipulation revolves around an attack on our minds, in particular our emotions of fear and greed. Other emotions come into play as well – hatred, envy, dog-in-the-manger attitude (if I cannot have it, you shall not have it). Basically it can be classified as craving and aversion at the subconscious level. For the purpose of these Rat Race series, we shall focus on the coarser emotions as they are easier to recognize.

    Pre-British history before 1786:
    The Dutch were in control of Melaka because of its central position as a port in South-East Asia. They were not so interested in the hinterland of peninsula Malaya. Malay society revolved around isolated sultanates with the sultan who individually ruled over disparate states such as Johore, Perak, Kedah, Selangor, etc.

    The Pyramid model was very simple. The Sultan represented the Ruling Class and he had the aristocracy to support him. Beneath that was a sprinkling of traders followed by farmers and peasants. It was a feudal society. The Sultan had the power of life and death over his subjects and loyalty to the sultan was absolute.

    British Colonial History from 1786 to 1942
    The British had a more comprehensive strategy than the Dutch. From their experience in British India, they first concentrated on securing access to island ports. They made use of the superior naval force to take over land from the sultans or pit one claimant to the throne against another. At later periods, they would make use of civil unrest in the states to get the sultans to submit to their power.

    Penang Island 1786:

    The British tricked the Kedah Sultan into leasing Penang to them in return for protection from the Siamese. Later they reneged on their promise. Next they attacked Kedah and forced the sultan to lease both Penang and Prai for an annual rent of 10,000 Spanish pesos.

    Tumasek (Singapore) 1819:
    6 Feb 1819, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles backed http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Founding_of_modern_Singapore]Hussein Shah[/URL] as the pretender to the Johore throne against his younger brother, the legitimate Sultan. In return, Hussein Shah signed a treaty to lease Tumasek to the British East India Company to enable them to develop it as a trading post and settlement. Raffles's deputy, William Farquhar, oversaw a period of growth and ethnic migration. The British India office governed the island in 1858. Eventually Singapore was made a British crown colony, answerable directly to the Crown, in 1867. More...


    Melaka 1824:
    The British took control of Melaka from the Dutch in exchange for Batavia in Sumatra under the Anglo-Dutch Treaty.

    British Expansion in Malaya:
    With three bases secured in Malaya, the British decided during the later part of the 19th Century to take over Malaya to secure the supply of raw material and to enhance security of the peninsula. They proceeded to take over the sultanates one by one through a strategy of forcing the sultans to sign treaties giving them the power to appoint British Residents to advise the sultans, which advice the sultans were obliged to accept. By 1909, they had secured total control over the whole of Malaya and Singapore.

    Developing the Economy & Immigration:
    The British considered Malaya as primarily an economic concern. They considered that the Malays were not reliable workers so they imported Indian indentured labour to work their rubber estates and got the Chinese Triads to supply the coolies for the tin mines, mills and docks. The British considered the Chinese ideal workers…. if only they could control their unruliness. Still they were able to overcome their scruples as the Chinese were so productive and able to work independently with minimum supervision. As a result, they were brought in by the hundreds of thousands. There was also a push factor as China at that time was undergoing civil war and millions of Chinese were impoverished by the turmoil.

    British Administration:

    There were 3 groups of territories under British control:
    A. Straits Settlements:
    Singapore, Melaka and Penang. These territories did not have a sultan and were Crown Colonies ruled by a British Governor. This is the Pyramid:



    With the major economic activity in ports and trading, there was a big influx of immigrants, especially Chinese. Soon the Malays were a minority in these regions.

    B. Federated Malay States (Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang)

    The Ruling Class consisted of a Federal Council headed by a British Resident-General.



    The discovery of tin in Perak, Selangor and Negri Sembilan attracted the Chinese Triads who were invited by the Malay Chiefs and the British to extract tin on their behalf. The work was dirty and extremely tough and only the Chinese coolies could do it. These coolies were practically slaves, caught in a web of opium addiction, gambling, prostitution and debt. Most were enslaved for life without having any chance of escaping from the trap. So lucrative was the trade that there was a big demand for the import of Chinese coolies. (These are our original foreign workers.) Very soon the immigrants started to out-number the natives.

    The immigrant policy of the British had a significant effect on the racial composition of the colony:

    Race…………………....1911……………......1921…………............ .…….1931
    Malays………………...58.6%................54%........... ................49.2%
    Chinese……………….29.6%................29.4%.......... ..............33.9%
    Indians………………..10.2%................15.1%......... ...............15.1%
    Others…………….…....1.6%...................1.5%...... ...................1.8%

    Economic power was in the hands of the British with some held by the Chinese. The Malays by and large were happy to remain as peasants and fishermen in the countryside.

    C. Unfederated Malay States (Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis, Terengganu and Johore).

    The British only managed to take over these states in the late 19th century and early 20th century. Johore was the last hold-out. The British maintained the façade of the Sultan as the Head of State. In reality, the de-facto head was the British Residents whose advice the Sultans was obliged to accept. Except for Johore, very little immigrants were brought into these states as there were not so much economic opportunities to be exploited. Nor were there minerals like tin. By and large the natives were left to continue with their old way of life.



    By the 1930s, the Malays realized with alarm that they were a minority in Malaya. This was a period of great uncertainty for the Malays. They were fearful of being swamped by the economically-aggressive Chinese immigrants, who had left their homeland penniless and were determined to make good.

    The aristocratic Western-educated Malays reacted by setting up societies to protect their rights. Most of these were state-based as their loyalties were to the sultans whose authority covered their respective states only. Their ideology was Malaya for the Malays. They were quite content to let the British continue with ruling Malaya. The Chinese and Indian immigrants were regarded as aliens without any rights to citizenship or land. This was cause for great dissatisfaction among the local-born Chinese and Indians as they felt that they had contributed to the development of the country and deserved a stake in it.

    Through long years of conditioning the Malays grew to depend on the British for protection and regarded them as their masters. In sympathy, the British started to admit into the bureaucratic middle and upper ranks large numbers of English-educated Malays from the aristocratic class.

    In 1938, from the peasant class, another organization arose, the Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM). These were led mainly by the Malay-language teachers & journalists with strong socialist traits. They had an anti-colonial nation-wide vision and were working towards union with Indonesia. Their aim was freedom for all the oppressed people. The British realized that the KMM was a threat and detained their leaders.

    So there were two groups of Malays that were developed in the 1930’s. One group was the rightist Western-educated Malay aristocratic class, which collaborated with the British to govern Malaya. This group regarded the British as their protectors. In return, the British favoured this group. (From this class would later be drawn the leaders of UMNO.)

    The other was the leftist peasant society that sought union with Indonesia and to overthrow the British.

    Such was the situation until the Japanese invasion which drove out the British and destroyed the old power structures together with the myth of White Supremacy.
    py

  7. #17
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE 3.3: 1942 to 1945 World War II

    THE RAT RACE PART V CH. 3: A RAT’S INTERPRETATION OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    3.3: 1942 to 1945 World War II – Japanese Invasion of Malaya


    War is a powerful factor in redefining a Pyramid
    and shocking the Rats out of their old mindsets. The years of conditioning are destroyed overnight and the Rats wakes up to a new and painful reality. Such was the effect of WW II on Malaya.

    Japan, in her drive to industrialize, needed raw materials. As she had started her development much later than the Western powers, she found her access to such material blocked by the colonies held by the West. She resorted to invading Korea and China, the two remaining countries in Asia not fully in Western hands. So started the Japanese East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. As in all wars, this war was over power and resources.

    Next she trained her sights on South-East Asia, which had abundant oil, rubber and tin. While Britain was busy fighting Germany in Europe, Japan decided to grab Malaya and South East Asia.

    Japanese Occupation from 1942 to 1945

    The Japanese invaded Malaya from Southern Thailand and Kota Bahru on 10 Dec 1941, 2 days after they had crippled the American fleet at Pearl Harbour in Hawaii. So successful was her campaign that she reached Singapore in less than 2 months by Feb 1942. The native Malayans realized with a shock that the invincibility of the white man was a myth. They saw over-night how the Whites went from Tuan to prisoners of war (POW) that were treated worse than rats. The British Pyramid was shattered. A new Pyramid came into being.

    At the top of this Pyramid was the Japanese Army Command.
    Below that was the Bureaucracy staffed by Japanese and aided by Malays, who were treated better by the Japanese compared to the Japanese treatment of the Chinese. This was a classic divide-and-rule tactic which split the two races and created a lot of bad blood between them.
    The Lower Class was occupied by the Malay peasants, Indian and Chinese immigrants.


    And at the very bottom were the newly-created slaves. These were the Prisoners of War and the conscripted labour from the conquered territories. The Japanese were absolutely brutal in their treatment of the Malayan people, in particular the Chinese. About 200,000 of these slaves including 42,000 prisoners of war were packed off to work on the Death Railway from Siam to Burma. Nearly half died.

    The harsh treatment of the Chinese by the Japanese caused many of them to flee into the jungles to fight the Japanese under the Malayan People Anti-Japanese Army, led by Chin Peng. UMNO take note!

    By Aug 1945, after 2 atomic bombs were dropped on Japan, the Japanese in Malaya surrendered. For 4 or 5 weeks until the British arrived to take over Malaya again, the country was ruled by the MPAJA and the Malayan Communist Party. This was a period of revenge killings between the different participants of the war, mainly between Chinese and Malay. The British arrived in Sept 1945 to retake Malaya. The Japanese Pyramid disappeared and the British set about building a new Pyramid.
    py

  8. #18
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE Ch 3.4 The Clash of Pyramids

    THE RAT RACE PART V CH. 3: A RAT’S INTERPRETATION OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    3.4: World War II – The Clash of Pyramids

    INTRODUCTION:

    War is a period when great changes are wrought on nations and on history. World War II will go down in history as a period when the greatest devastation was visited on the whole world. It is estimated that 72 million people perished. Empires changed hands. The spoils of war go to the victors.

    Let us examine WW II from the perspective of the conspiracy theory by the Financial Class. We will see that war is merely a clash of the Ruling Classes of different Pyramids. They have been playing this game profitably since the late 1600’s. Their objective is the control over land and resources.

    BACKGROUND:
    At the dawn of the 20th Century, the old Western powers and the US controlled most of the resources and colonies in the world. For the past 500 years, the European powers that have coastlines along the Atlantic Ocean have expanded into Africa, Asia and America conquering and colonizing the native population. Great Britain had the British Empire straddling the globe, in which it was claimed that the sun never set. France, Holland, Belgium, Spain and Portugal each had a share of the spoils. Russia had a free hand to expand eastwards into the Eurasian landmass. Only the late-comers, the newly-emerging powers of Germany and Japan, found their quest for resources and power blocked. All the colonies were taken up. Even China had been carved up among the European powers and the US.

    Germany, after the humiliating treaty to signal the end of World War I, was determined to rebuild her military. The Western Bankers have identified Adolf Hitler as their proxy to control Germany. So they financed his grab for power in the 1920’s and to rebuilt his arm forces. This triggered an arms race with the other European powers which were fearful of Germany’s rise. This was good business for the Financial Class and the Military Class as money and weapons were required on both sides of the divide.

    Similarly, the Financial Class was financing the Military Class in Japan. They found their expansion blocked in South East Asia by the French (Indochina), the British (Malaya and North Borneo), the US (Philippines) and the Dutch (Indonesia). That left only China which had been weakened by centuries of misrule by the Qing Dynasty and the subsequent revolution that overthrew it. The warlords and the Western Powers who have carved up China into spheres of influence, had made China very weak. So the Japanese military, against the wishes of the Japanese government, attacked China through Manchuria in 1931 - Mukden Incident. From then on, they proceeded to invade China.

    Meanwhile, in Europe, the European Pyramids were squaring up for war. Germany had completely rearmed by 1939 and was ready to expand eastwards into Poland and Czechoslovakia. That triggered WW II and the conquest of Western Europe by Germany. Later Germany attacked the Soviet Union even though they had already signed a peace treaty.

    When Japan attacked the US at Pearl Harbour in preparation for the invasion of South-East Asia, the US was drawn into the war. Being far away from the battle zone, the US was able to produce arms in peace and this she used to supply Britain. But she demanded payment in gold. That set the stage for the US to become the largest holder of gold in the world.

    END OF WW II
    After the war was won by the Allies (US, Britain, France, China and the Soviet Union), the Pyramid structures were totally changed.

    Britain’s status as a global empire was finished. The war had drained all her resources and she was in debt to the US to the tune of billions of pounds. Most of her gold had been transferred to the US. 44 countries among the Allies, had agreed to subordinate their currencies to the USD with its value guaranteed at USD 35 to 1 oz of gold, at Bretton Woods, USA in July 1944. This set in motion the domination of the US Financial Class over the “Free World”. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union, had taken over most of Eastern Europe including East Germany. She had in place another Pyramid – one based on communism.

    POST WW II

    Post-war, two ideologies were competing with each other – Capitalism led by the US and communism led by the Soviet Union. Although it appeared that the competition was political in nature and presented as a fight between the “Free World” and the “Oppressed Peoples” of the Soviet Union, in reality, it was a battle over control of resources in the 3rd World countries. Behind it all were the Financial Class in the US and Britain. They were the ones pulling the strings behind the scenes and controlling the Pyramids.

    One of the demands of the US on Britain was that she gave up her colonies as the US wanted access to the colonies’ markets and resources. Britain was loath to give up Malaya as she was one of the largest dollar earners among all her colonies. So she devised a strategy to appear to relinquish Malaya to satisfy the US, without really giving up control. Thus was born the idea of the Malayan Union.

    But Britain forgot one thing. The Japanese invasion of Malaya had destroyed the British-Malayan Pyramid. The colonized people had woken up to the reality that the White Man was not invincible and that they had survived through 3 terrible years without the White Man in control. Their desire to be free had been awakened and they were not prepared to be subjugated again - Except for the Western-educated Malay class drawn from the sons of the Aristocrats and the chiefs. These people still yearned for the security of the White Rajah.

    Next:
    Chapter 3.5: 1945 to 1957 How UMNO Sold Out to the British.
    py

  9. #19
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V -THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE 3.5 UMNO sold out to the British

    THE RAT RACE PART V CH. 3: A RAT’S INTERPRETATION OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    Chapter 3.5: 1945 to 1957 How UMNO Sold Out to the British.

    INTRODUCTION:

    At the start of this thread, we said:
    Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it. George Santayana.

    Another truth: History is written by the victors.

    If the Japanese had won World War II, we would be speaking Japanese, their collaborators would have been heroes. Instead, the Japanese lost and those who resisted the Japanese became the heroes

    Who were these heroes of World War II? You won’t find it from our current history books. They were the Malayan people led by the Malayan Communist Party leaders in the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA). The majority was Chinese with significant numbers of Malays and Indians. Where were our UMNO heroes? Most of them were probably working for the Japanese.

    Do we condemn them? No! During war, the over-riding emotion is fear and fear makes us do things, anything, just to survive. It takes great courage to over-come our fear and fight tyranny, especially if the enemy has control over over-whelming force and we have only our bare hands.

    Readers may have noticed that this segment of history seems to be repeated in our discussions. The reason is that our past has been so distorted and we have been subjected to so much psychological warfare that getting at the truth is very difficult. So we have to study it from different angles.

    One version was presented in: THE RAT RACE PART V – THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE Chapter 2: The Social Contract - How We Got It All Wrong!

    That Chapter is important because it helps us to see through the lies of politicians about the Social Contract (which did not exist in the first place).

    But knowing too much history can itself be very confusing. That was why we developed the concept of the Rat Race System, the Pyramid and the Circle to provide us with some simple templates to evaluate the past and project our understanding into the future - to deal with new information or events that happen around us. After the momentous event on Mar 8, 2008 General Elections, this is even more critical as we can see desperate attempts by politicians trying to confuse and sway us to their agenda and machinations.

    THE RETURN OF THE BRITISH

    Malaya was the jewel in the crown of the British Empire. She was the largest dollar earner in the British Empire. After the devastation of World War II, Britain was desperate to extract wealth from the colonies to repay her debts to the US, to rebuild her destroyed industries and to rebuild the lives of her people who had suffered through 6 years of war. To the British Ruling Class, all these acts were important steps to maintain their hold on power. Interestingly, Winston Churchill, the British wartime prime minister, promptly lost the elections after the war. The US Ruling Class was pressurizing the British to relinquish her colonies, to open up the market to American products. Fortunately for Britain, she had a reprieve – the communist threat from the Soviet Union.

    The Soviet Union had risen from the ashes of World War II to become the second most powerful military nation after the US and she was challenging the US for global power. Britain leveraged on this threat against the US, to gain some breathing space to retain her colonies. In other words, the US was prepared to allow Britain to delay her programme for decolonization in exchange for support in the fight against the Soviet Union.

    Although the battle was presented as a fight between “good” (the free world) against “evil” (the communist countries), in reality, it was a fight over global resources. Ideology was secondary.

    CONSOLIDATION
    Before the war, Britain had 3 different Pyramids (Chapter 3.2) - one for the Straits Settlement (Singapore, Malacca & Penang) under direct rule of a Governor, one for the Federated Malay States (Negri Sembilan, Selangor, Pahang, Perak) with a British Resident General advising all the Sultans, and one for the Unfederated Malay States (Johore, Trengganu, Kelantan, Kedah and Perlis) each with a British Resident advising the Sultans individually. Of all the states, the most powerful was the Johore Sultan as he was the last to accede to British rule and secured the most favourable terms (1914). The Johore Malay civil service (drawn from the Western-educated Malay aristocratic class) had a lot of power and privileges.

    When Britain returned to Malaya in September 1945, she planned to annex Malaya and consolidate her rule into a Unitary State through the Malayan Union. The Sultans meekly signed away their powers after a bit of brow-beating by the British.

    THE MALAYAN UNION (1 Apr 1946)
    We have now reached a most crucial part of Malayan history. Please read the book “Where Monsoons Meet – A history of Malaya” by musimgrafik for more details.

    The terms for the Malayan Union were:
    a. 11 states on the peninsula to be amalgamated under the rule of a British Governor,
    b. Singapore spun off as a crown colony because of the large Chinese population and the naval base,
    c. Sultans to have no more power except for authority over Islamic matters,
    d. Citizenship to non-Malays under the Jus Soli principle, (the British needed them as their work force in the business sector, banks, trading houses, rubber estates and tin mines),
    e. No provision for self-determination or self-rule for the Malayans.


    The Malays opposed the Malayan Union due to:
    The strong-arm method used by the British to secure the Sultans’ signatures,
    The reduction of the Sultans’ powers,
    The excision of Singapore from Malaya,
    The granting of citizenship to non-Malay immigrants, especially the Chinese,
    The Malay civil service feared that their economic and political future would be jeopardized.
    The communists, some Chinese and Indians opposed because there was no provision for Independence. Most Chinese and Indians were apathetic and focused on their home countries instead.


    In May 1946, the Malay civil servants led by Dato Onn bin Jaafar, the son of a former Mentri Besar of Johore, set up UMNO during the Third Malay Congress in Johore Bahru at the Sultan’s palace. Together with other Malay leftist parties, they protested vigorously against the Malayan Union.

    Surprised by the strong opposition and civil disobedience throughout the country, the British made a tactical withdrawal and agreed to abrogate the Malayan Union that same year. As a reward for his efforts, Dato Onn was made Menteri Besar by the Johore Sultan. Radical reforms under Malayan Union.

    From this event, UMNO took on the mantle of defender of the Malay’s rights. This is how history wants us to believe. The other Malay parties were ditched.

    The Rat Race Perspective
    The British Ruling Class had decided to set up a Pyramid that looked like this.


    FEDERATION OF MALAYA 1948
    The British developed a new plan – form the Federation of Malaya (FoM). They decided to use divide-and-rule tactics to win over the Malays. Dato Onn, the leader of UMNO, was an avowed anglophile. He was more interested in maintaining the status quo with the aristocratic Malays enjoying their special position and power, and retaining the British in Malaya. The leftist Malay parties from PUTERA were determined to kick the British out, as were the leftist non-Malay party AMCJA, the MIC and the communists. Given these sentiments, the British decided that UMNO would be easy to manipulate. PKMM did not agree with the formation of the FoM and walked out of the pact with UMNO.

    The terms of the FoM restored the power of the Sultans, imposed more restrictions on the conditions of citizenship on the non-Malays and more importantly, offered UMNO the chance to share power with the British. To clear the way for UMNO, all the leaders of the other parties were detained under the Declaration of Emergency in 1948 and the British took action to eliminate their biggest threat - the Malayan Communist Party. The rural peasants and the working class were no better off than before.



    PUTERA-AMCJA launched the People’s Constitutional Proposals for Malaya as a counter-proposal to the FoM. Details are shown in 10 tahun sebelum merdeka or 10 years before merdeka.

    So the FOM was signed between the British, the Sultans and UMNO. Although there is no document in the public domain to show it, it was obvious from the Pyramid model that all three parties realized the economic importance of retaining the Chinese and Indian immigrants in Malaya to open up and develop the country. They knew that without the immigrants the country would be bankrupt. The only thing that could induce the immigrants to stay was to offer them a stake in the country.

    The question was how to sell the idea to the rural Malays? They opposed the Malayan Union precisely over the issue of citizenship for the immigrants. Now that UMNO had the chance to take power from the British, they went along with the British’s insistence on citizenship for the immigrants. The Malay civil service was very supportive of UMNO. Civil servants were given leave to attend UMNO meetings. Even the leaders like Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Abdul Razak were allowed to resign from the civil service with full pensions to enable them to take over UMNO when Dato Onn Jaafar left in 1952.

    Wages for workers were very low, leading to wide-spread unhappiness in the post-war period. In frustration, PUTERA-AMJCA launched the HARTAL (a general strike) throughout the country on 20 Oct 1947. The country came to a standstill. This shook the British as it showed the power of the masses once they can focus on a common issue. The British took steps to castrate the opposition by jailing the leaders of the leftist parties and the unions. Till today, our unions are kept very weak.

    In 1948, the MCP launched an armed rebellion to drive the British from Malaya. The British declared an Emergency. They also encouraged the Kuomintang sympathizers in the Chinese business class to form the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), to co-operate with UMNO to contest in the local municipal elections.

    Over the next 4 years, the British with their superior fire-power could not make any headway against the MCP due to Chinese support in the countryside. In 1952, in desperation, the British granted citizenship and land to win over the Chinese peasants, relocated them to New Villages and fenced them up behind barb wires. The support for the MCP was cut. Their source of food was stopped. This broke the back of the Emergency. The British used the Emergency to retain their soldiers in Malaya and to continue to rule unchallenged.

    The British set about their long-term plan to continue the control Malaya behind the façade of UMNO. They did not trust the Chinese with power or arms as they were worried that the Chinese would support the largely-Chinese Malayan Communist Party. So the British started training UMNO to take power. They were allowed to take over the army, the police, the Special Branch, the bureaucracy, in particular the National Registration Department, which had control over the issue of citizenship.

    Throughout the period up to Merdeka in 1957, UMNO was especially anxious to prove their loyalty to the British to ensure their continued support. So much so, that in the Baling Talks in 1955 with Chin Peng of the MCP, Tunku Abdul Rahman refused to agree to allow the MCP to register as a legitimate party in exchange for the ending of the Emergency. Had the Tunku done so, that would have saved the country millions of Ringgit and many lives.

    The final step to granting of independence to Malaya was the drafting of the Federation of Malaya (later Malaysia) Constitution. The Reid Commission was set up to make a study to ensure that the three major races were fairly treated. The most contentious point was Article 153 on the special position of the Malays. The Reid Report on this can be found here: Federation of Malaya Constitutional Commission, 1956-57 Report. The key issue was an expiry date for the special position. UMNO got the MCA and MIC to agree not to insert the expiry date into the constitution based on a verbal agreement of expiry. This was the start of many UMNO tricks on their partners. Anything that was not written down, they ignored later. Through this was laid the seeds of the divide-and-rule strategy that UMNO had so successfully implemented to this day. For a better understanding, please read “Malay nationalism will fail”. See also Chapter 2 of Part V of the Rat Race – The Social Contract.

    On 31 Aug 1957, a new feudal Ruling Class took the place of the British – UMNO. The British continued to rule behind the scenes and they did for the next 9 years.
    Some other thoughts.

    THE RAT RACE PART VI – MALAYSIA: HOW DID UMNO STAY IN POWER FOR SO LONG?
    py

  10. #20
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V -Zaid Ibrahim condemns Utusan Malaysia

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    THE RAT RACE PART V CH. 3: A RAT’S INTERPRETATION OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    Chapter 3.5: 1945 to 1957 How UMNO Sold Out to the British.

    INTRODUCTION:

    At the start of this thread, we said:
    Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it. George Santayana.

    Another truth: History is written by the victors.

    One version was presented in: THE RAT RACE PART V – THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE Chapter 2: The Social Contract - How We Got It All Wrong!

    That Chapter is important because it helps us to see through the lies of politicians about the Social Contract (which did not exist in the first place).

    But knowing too much history can itself be very confusing. That was why we developed the concept of the Rat Race System, the Pyramid and the Circle to provide us with some simple templates to evaluate the past and project our understanding into the future - to deal with new information or events that happen around us. After the momentous event on Mar 8, 2008 General Elections, this is even more critical as we can see desperate attempts by politicians trying to confuse and sway us to their agenda and machinations.
    [b]

    The question was how to sell the idea to the rural Malays? They opposed the Malayan Union precisely over the issue of citizenship for the immigrants. Now that UMNO had the chance to take power from the British, they went along with the British’s insistence on citizenship for the immigrants. The Malay civil service was very supportive of UMNO. Civil servants were given leave to attend UMNO meetings. Even the leaders like Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Abdul Razak were allowed to resign from the civil service with full pensions to enable them to take over UMNO when Dato Onn Jaafar left in 1952.

    We have said before. A proper understanding of history is necessary to avoid being manipulated by politicians for their own agenda. Read the article on Zaid Ibrahim below and understand why.

    Utusan considers the Chinese asking for equal rights as racism. They can't understand that it is part of human rights to be treated equally.

    They now twist the British/UMNO agreement on citizenship rights of the immigrant Indians and Chinese as a generous offer by UMNO. Hello! if this was not agreed to, the British would not have granted Malaya independence. We can understand why by reading The Rat Race Part V Chapter 2 - The Social Contract.


    Zaid torches Utusan for stoking racial flames
    Jun 1, 09 7:00pm
    Former Umno leader and minister Zaid Ibrahim has lashed out at Malay daily Utusan Malaysia for playing up racial sentiments.

    He said the articles which appeared in the daily's Sunday edition reminded him of how far removed the paper is from the reality of life in Malaysia.

    "This is probably the reason why its readership is on the decline. It's theme and main plot is race, race and race," he added in a blog posting.

    Zaid cited a particular article with the heading 'Melayu dikhianati?' (Malays betrayed) penned by Awang Selamat.

    In the article, the former Umno leader said, the writer lamented that he is hurt by the demands, which reek of racism, of the non-Malays since the last general election.

    "In other words, Malaysians must not hurt the feelings of Awang Selamat because when Awang Selamat is hurt, Umno is hurt and when Umno is hurt, the Malays are hurt.

    "This is the logic of Awang Selamat," he added.

    Zaid said the writer made no mention of the 'extreme' demands made by the non-Malays in his article.

    "If they (the non-Malays) are asking about scholarships, land allocation and employment opportunities, can't these questions be addressed rationally and based on facts?

    "Why get hurt so easily?" he asked.

    Are all their demands baseless?

    The former de facto law minister also questioned if all the demands of the non-Malays, whose rights are enshrined under the Federal Constitution, were baseless?

    According to Awang Selamat, he said, this appears to be the case because "50 years ago Umno and the Malays were generous enough to offer citizenship to their (non-Malays) ancestors."

    "Since Umno had been gracious in according them citizenship, their descendants should never make any demands because they must always be grateful to Umno," he added.

    Zaid pointed out that this is the exact mindset which is no longer viable and has been rejected by all races.

    When a citizen, be it a Malay, Chinese or Indian, asks for something, he said it is the duty of the government and the media to evaluate it in order to grant the request.

    "If the demand is excessive, explain but don't raise history to cover up shortcomings. Do not get angry always, threaten and dish out pieces of incomplete history for political mileage," he said.

    Zaid also reminded that the country obtained independence because the British agreed with the alliance on the terms. "When we agree, we must honour the agreement," he said.

    In view of this, he said there was no reason to state that "we were being generous in granting citizenship to the Chinese and Indians."

    "The fact is, that is the term we agreed to. At the time, it was impossible for the British to relinquish Malaya if the issue of citizenship for Chinese and Indians was not resolved.

    "The British were strict on this issue and Umno agreed. That is the price which the Alliance accepted with an open heart. Does Utusan have different historical facts?
    " he added.

    Zaid said even if one went by the perception that Umno was generous in giving citizenship to non-Malays, there is still no room for Awang Selamat's 'feudalist mindset' in a modern nation.

    Those with 'blind hearts'

    Meanwhile, he said another article by senior writer Zulkiflee Bakar had advised Utusan readers not to be 'historically blind'.

    "I suppose Malays like myself are historically blind. But history is not difficult to learn and I am interested in knowing more.

    "However, the most unfortunate people are those whose hearts are blind. When our hearts are blind, no amount of facts or knowledge can fill the void
    ," he added.

    Zaid said instead of stoking racial sentiments, Utusan should help the prime minister find ways to develop the economy via pragmatic and just policies.

    "To Utusan, the Malays fail because of the Chinese and Indians. Wake up Utusan, non-Malays and Malays themselves can tell the difference between the Malay race and Umno, they know that when an Umno policy is criticised, it is not challenging the Malays but Umno.

    "Much effort is being put into creating friction between the Malays and Chinese. Believe me, racial flames will not burn as brightly as before," he said.

    "The Malay mindset has changed. They know the challenges that lie ahead in the world and the changes which they must make. Only Utusan has not realised this,"
    he added. Link here…


    py

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