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Thread: The rat race part v - the malaysian rat race

   
   
       
  1. #21
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    Re: Chapter 2: The Social Contract - How We Got It All Wrong!

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    THE RAT RACE PART V – THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE
    (A look at Malaysian history beyond race and religion)

    Chapter 2: The Social Contract - How We Got It All Wrong!

    THE TRUTH WILL SET YOU FREE!


    For 50 years both sides of the political spectrum believed they were right, blissfully unaware that they were conned as Rats!

    We have to break free from the mental cage of race and religion and learn to look at our situation through the concept of class division and as Malaysians. Until we do, we will never be free.
    Monday, June 01, 2009 Charles Hector
    Social Contract - True or False?

    UMNO - fought British for Independence, or just a British crony? Time to re-discover the truth..

    With the independence of Malaysia, there was a 'social contract' between the various ethnic groups in Malaysia. The native Malays agreed to the granting of citizenship to the Chinese (and Indians), and the Chinese (and Indians) agreed to the granting of special privileges to the native Malays.

    The existence of this 'social contract', in this particular form, has been disputed - and over the past months, the UMNO-led BN government have been trying to repeatedly drum in this 'social contract' into the minds of Malaysians - so that ultimately everyone will believe this as the truth...the real truth.

    Sadly, there is NO documentary proof of this 'social contract' - and hence, the only agreement that we can rely on is the Federal Constitution - and that is it. More…
    py

  2. #22
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    Re: Chapter 2: The Social Contract - Creating a stronger and faster race

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    THE RAT RACE PART V – THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE
    (A look at Malaysian history beyond race and religion)

    Chapter 2: The Social Contract - How We Got It All Wrong!

    THE TRUTH WILL SET YOU FREE!


    For 50 years both sides of the political spectrum believed they were right, blissfully unaware that they were conned as Rats!

    We have to break free from the mental cage of race and religion and learn to look at our situation through the concept of class division and as Malaysians. Until we do, we will never be free.

    Stronger, faster, better

    http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/i...-faster-better

    JUNE 6 — For the sake of not arguing, let’s take a few things as given.

    What things, you ask?

    Well, let’s take it as a given that the Malays were here first, and so were the Melanaus, Bajaus, Ibans, Dayaks, other indigenous people and Lee Kuan Yew’s great-great-grandparents.

    Let’s also take it as a given that prior to independence, there was a condition set by our then colonial masters[1] regarding the issue of citizenship for the ‘immigrant’ races.

    Next, take it as given that a ‘social contract’ was made, even though it was never written down or signed by anybody.

    We can’t, however, take it as a given what this social contract was, precisely because it was never written down. As it stands, the contents of this contract is down for anyone to interpret as long as it’s the same as Umno’s interpretation.

    Other fixed assumptions that we can make include the acceptance that the struggle for the independence of Malaya involved all the three main races then, and that the inclusion of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore into the Federation of Malaysia was made with the broad agreement of the peoples of the three states (the Konfrontasi notwithstanding).

    Further, prior to independence, it was written into the constitution that there will be a ‘special position’ for the Malays, in cognisance of the fact that the Malays, as the de facto indigenous race in Malaya were rather economically behind the main immigrant race, the Chinese.

    Over time, as we know, this ‘special position’ morphed into ‘special rights’, with nary a change made in the constitution to reflect this new misunderstanding[2].

    So pervasive has this (deliberate) misunderstanding been that almost no one bothers to correct those who say it, and even those you’d think would know better seem to not to.

    We know and accept as fact that on the 13th of May, 1969 racial riots broke out in Kuala Lumpur and a few other towns in the west coast of Peninsula Malaysia. It happened, and Malaysians died. The interpretations for the cause of the fighting, however, were varied.

    Nonetheless, 12 years after independence, 6 years after the formation of Malaysia, and 4 years after Singapore was divorced from the Federation, the Malays were killing the Chinese, the Chinese were killing the Malays and the Indians were somehow implicated in the event (the cause of it even, according to a former Minister of Information).

    We understand that as one of the outcomes from the 13th May incident, the New Economic Policy was formulated, the main aim of which was to eradicate poverty for all Malaysians, to redress the economic imbalance especially between the de facto indigenous race(s) as compared to the Chinese. The Indians and the Dan Lain-lain were also scheduled to benefit, of course.

    This was accepted by all the main players in the government of the day then and even most in the opposition, largely because the incident was the closest that this young nation ever came to a ‘civil war’ and it was already too awful to bear.

    Now, the NEP was to last 20 years, and technically it did. It was then supplanted by the National Development Policy, and quite possibly the National Vision Policy. However, given that the core aims of the two succeeding policies were more or less the same as the NEP, just about everyone still calls it the NEP. Including those who were involved in formulating the NDP and NVP.

    And here we are. 52 years after the poncy English gave us back our country, 40 years after the terrible events of 13th May and 39 years after the implementation of a policy intended to last 20 years.

    Today, after all that, we’ve got a ruling coalition still smarting from a bloody nose given to it by Malaysians at the last General Elections — a coalition that continues to consider itself as the best option for the country, even as its components try their best to implode without any outside help whatsoever.

    We’ve got an opposition coalition that consists of social democrats, Islamists and a slightly schizo, not to mention nepotistic, bunch of centrists — a coalition that somehow continues to defy common sense and continues to hold together[3].

    Where am I going with all this?

    Well, of late we’ve got some people ‘reminding’ the post-13th May, post-NEP generation that they should be mindful of history, of how this nation was born and the pains it had to go through in order to remain a nation.

    As one of these ‘post’ generation ingrates, I just thought I’d put down those bits. To remind those reminding me that I can read. And so can a score of others in the ‘post’ generation.

    Also of late, we have a local daily ‘reminding’ us that the Malays made a magnanimous gesture way back when 52 years ago in granting citizenships to a bunch of people who, apparently, couldn’t even speak the Malay language and these ‘immigrants’ should be ever grateful and to never betray the Malays. Oh yes, to never betray.

    These ‘reminders’ were made, I suspect, partly to justify the continuing affirmative action policies in favour of the majority race, ostensibly so that they[4] can eventually become competitive against their fellow Malaysians.

    I say ‘partly’ because at the same time, the reminders also sounded a warning to the other races that there are certain ‘rights’ provided under the aforementioned constitution that for all intents and purposes is to stand in perpetuity.

    What those doing the reminding don’t seem to understand is that for the ‘post’ generation who were actually born in this country, none of that should really hold water any more.

    Because we cannot keep looking into the past such that we forget to look into the future.

    Learning from history so that we don’t repeat the mistakes is one thing, but paralysing ourselves from moving forwards because we’re afraid of making another set of mistakes is even worse.

    And therein lies the saddest aspect of this whole thing. Because of what has happened in the time of our fathers, we now have a set of policies that has gradually resulted in pitting us against one another.

    We have a set of policies that, instead of raising the standards of every Malaysian, has managed to ferment an environment of mistrust, suspicion and casual racism.

    And before it gets any worse, we need to dismantle it, or at the very least, de-construct it and deform it into something new that would actually reach towards a point where it could someday be consigned as a footnote in history.

    Because as it stands, we’re all losing out. Even the Malays. Probably, especially the Malays.

    As a result of this policy, many in the ‘post’ generation of Malays have suddenly found themselves wondering if anything they’ve ever achieved could have been achieved without the nudging of the policies[5].

    Furthermore, they’re not the only ones asking themselves. The other races and even the other Malays question the achievements.

    And when Malays like me raises this, there would always be other Malays ‘reminding’ us that we, too, are beneficiaries of this seeming largesse.

    That we too, have progressed and been uplifted by the affirmative action policies. That we, too, should not be ungrateful enough to even have the temerity to suggest that the very policies that have helped us to be where we are today, be removed.

    How could we suggest that, they ask? How could we want to have the advantages given to us be denied to those other Malays that come after us?

    How could we deny the ‘rights’ of the younger generation, of our own children?

    Well, because we should wish for a nation that doesn’t fight with itself.

    Because we should wish for the succeeding generation to think of themselves as Malaysians first. Because, having been given a leg-up in the world, having reached the panacea of the middle-class, the advantaged Malays should already be able to push and nudge their young themselves, without having to rely on uneven policies. Because socio-economic disadvantage is colour-blind, and so should we be too.

    As for me, I wish for the next generation of Malays to be stronger than me, faster than me.

    I wish for them to be better than me, so that they won’t need this leg-up. So that they won’t need to be assisted to claim their place in the nation, along with their fellow Malaysian brothers and sisters.

    Given the way we as Malaysians seem to be going, I may, however, be asking too much.

    Endnotes:

    [1] To which I am reminded of a scene in the movie Trainspotting(1996), where Mark ‘Rentboy’ Renton went on a rant to his friend Tommy, the middle of which went: “Some hate the English. I don’t. They’re just wankers. We, on the other hand, are colonised by wankers. Can’t even find a decent culture to be colonised by. We’re ruled by effete a***h***s. It’s a s***e state of affairs to be in, Tommy, and all the fresh air in the world won’t make any f*****g difference!” Quite.

    [2] Article 153, in case you didn’t know already.

    [3] Very much like Malaysia itself, as had been observed many times before. We are a country that seems to exist in spite of our best efforts to destroy ourselves.

    [4] By which I mean ‘we’, since I am of that majority race.

    [5] Something already pointed out oft enough by many other chinwags.

    (This polemic is brought to you today by the letter ‘R’ and the words reform, rebrand, rejuvenate, relevant, remind and remand.)

    Yusseri Yusoff is an engineer by training, a consultant by accident and a company man by necessity. He wishes that people would stop calling him to sell life insurance. It's death insurance he's looking for. He writes rubbish at http://www.mentera.org/ and pretends to be an intellectual at http://www.othermalaysia.org/
    py

  3. #23
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - CH. 3 A REVIEW OF MALAYAN HISTORY

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    THE RAT RACE PART V – CH. 3: A REVIEW OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    3.1: PRE-INDEPENDENCE (BEFORE 31 AUG 1957) – THE EVENTS


    AD 1909 Anglo – Siam Treaty: Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu taken over by British from Siam. Siam retained Patani, Jala, Satun and Narathiwat.
    Interesting fact relating to Southern Siam that ties in with a corresponding part of Malaysian history:

    The southern region was an autonomous Malay Muslim sultanate until Thailand annexed it in 1902, provoking decades of tension, with the most recent period of unrest erupting in January 2004. -- AFP More…
    py

  4. #24
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - Merdeka: Is it UMNO or MCKK that should be credited?

    RPK provides more background on the period between 1946 and 1957 to show how UMNO rewrote history. There was no fight for Merdeka, merely a management takeover by UMNO from the British. That is why til today, UMNO behaves as if they own the country.

    Is it UMNO or MCKK that should be credited?

    Posted by admin
    Friday, 10 July 2009 16:49

    The Merdeka movement or UMNO was not a ‘peoples’ movement but an elite class movement. And this is something not only the Malays but all Malaysians as well need to understand.

    NO HOLDS BARRED

    Raja Petra Kamarudin


    We hear a lot of chatter about how Umno ‘fought’ for Merdeka or independence in 1946. Well, if there really was a ‘fight’ as they claim, it was a bloodless fight and it was not until 11 years later in 1957 that Malaya actually saw Merdeka. In the other countries around us they saw Merdeka a decade earlier because they spilled blood to gain independence. That proves you just can’t fry the egg unless you break the shell. Sometimes bloodshed is necessary to achieve the result.

    Anyway, whatever UMNO might say, it was not ‘the people’ who ‘fought’ for Merdeka. 99% of ‘the people’ were farmers, fishermen and kampong (village) folks. Most never went to school and even if they did (some like the late Tun Gaffar Baba did go to school) it was to a Malay school and only until standard six (like Tun Gaffar). There were no Malay secondary schools at that time and certainly no colleges or universities.

    So, who ‘fought’ for Merdeka? No, it was not ‘the people’. ‘The people’ were mostly uneducated and quite ignorant about matters of government, independence and so on. ‘The people’ would accept anyone who ruled the country whether it were the sultans, the Thais, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the British or the Japanese. They would kowtow to any ‘ruler’ and call all of them ‘tuan’.

    The real ‘fighters’ of Merdeka was the intelligentsia -- the writers, the poets, the journalists, the civil servants and the elite or aristocracy -- in short, the educated class. In fact, most of the early UMNO leaders were orang istana (palace people) like Onn Jaafar, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Razak, Hussein Onn and whatnot. And these people were not only associated with the palace but received an English education as well.

    In short, the majority of the ‘Merdeka fighters’ were ‘brown Englishmen’ who spoke English better than Englishmen. Malaysiatoday....
    py

  5. #25
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE MALAYSIAN: KMM: The Young Malay Union (1938) : pt1

    KMM: The Young Malay Union (1938.) : part 1

    Posted by admin
    Monday, 13 July 2009 00:00

    Mustapha Hussain: Malay Nationalism Before UMNO

    THE MEMOIRS OF MUSTAPHA HUSSAIN, 1910-1957


    Even sadder, Malays could not count on the educated Malays to fight their case as most members of the new Malay elite had become Westernised. Thus, lower rung Malays were helpless to defend their lost rights and could do little to halt the economic onslaught by others.

    NO HOLDS BARRED

    Raja Petra Kamarudin


    KMM, or the Young Malay Union, was founded by a group of radical left nationalists in their late twenties. Influenced by world events and by political events in Turkey in particular, they desired a political body similar to the Young Turks. The word ‘young’ did not preclude acceptance of members of any age group so long as they were “young in spirit.”

    KMM wished to enter the arena of local politics as the saviour of nusa dan bangsa (country and people) before the axe of destruction could annihilate them. Homeland Tanah Melayu (The Malay Land), with Malays as its rightful owners, has already been renamed Malaya by the British, with ‘Malayan’ nationals about to inherit what Allah had bestowed on the Malays.

    These young nationalists despised every form of colonial oppression. The British, initially accepted as protectors and peacekeepers, had become unbridled oppressors, like other European colonisers. Through their Residential System, policies were subtly introduced from London without giving the Malay Rulers much voice.

    One bone of contention was the British policy of allowing tens of thousands of ‘others’ into Malaya. To administer Malaya, the British colonialists brought in educated foreigners from Ceylon, India and Hong Kong to help them exploit Malaya’s economic wealth. They also introduced uneducated workers from China and India. To maintain security, they imported troops from India and Burma. Why did the British not employ more Malays in both government and private sectors? Given a chance, they too would have proven progressive and capable! British excuses that Malays were unqualified and lazy did not hold water. Malaysiatoday....
    py

  6. #26
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE MALAYSIAN: KMM: The Young Malay Union (1938) : pt2

    Part 2:

    “Independence”, “Freedom” and “Malay pre-eminence” were words which cropped up frequently in our conversations and discussions. But this exhilarating nationalistic awakening among KMM members could not be injected into the veins of the Westernised Malay bureaucrats who felt most uncomfortable discussing Malay poverty and backwardness. KMM resolved to shake them out of their wealth induced dreams.

    KMM subscribed to “Equality, Fraternity and Liberty”, principles already preached by Prophet Muhammad (Praise Be Upon Him) in his time and again by French politicians in the 16th century. KMM members were already calling each other Saudara (‘friend’ or ‘brother’ in Malay), brother, comrade and ikhwan (‘brother’ in Arabic). Malaysiatoday....
    py

  7. #27
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - KMM: The Young Malay Union (1938) : part 3

    KMM: The Young Malay Union (1938.) : part 3

    Posted by admin
    Tuesday, 21 July 2009 00:00

    Mustapha Hussain: Malay Nationalism Before UMNO

    THE MEMOIRS OF MUSTAPHA HUSSAIN, 1910-1957

    Dr Burhanuddin was a remarkable religious figure, who combined the logic of science and Islam most effectively. Before World War II, he was a schoolteacher in Singapore and dabbled in politics from a distance.


    NO HOLDS BARRED

    Raja Petra Kamarudin


    Dr Burhanuddin Al Helmi

    Dr Burhanuddin, a colossal name in Malay left politics, was not a KMM member. KMM only contacted him a week after the fall of Singapore. Ibrahim Yaakub and I interviewed him before suggesting that the Japanese Military Administration employ him as Advisor on Malay Customs and Religion. Dr Burhanuddin accepted the post graciously. Had he declined, KMM would have brought in Ustaz Abu Bakar Al Baqir, founder of the religious institute, Madrasah Maahad Il Ihya Assharif in Gunung Semanggul, Perak. Malaysiatoday....
    py

  8. #28
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - THE MALAYSIAN RAT RACE - Merdeka and the Malay rulers

    Wasiat! What's that?

    Good try, UMNO. What matters is the Constitution.


    Merdeka and the Malay rulers

    17 Aug 09 : 8.00AM

    By Clive Kessler
    editor@thenutgraph.com

    LOOKING forward, at the conclusion of the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka's recent Prof Syed Hussein Alatas Memorial Seminar, to Merdeka Day, the Raja Muda of Perak recalled another anniversary.

    On the threshold of independence on 5 Aug 1957, the Malay rulers issued a declaration, their last political testament before the nation and their subjects achieved national sovereignty.

    Consenting to Merdeka

    The constitution of the emerging independent nation had already been formally enacted by legislation in the British Parliament and the Federal Council of Malaya. But on 5 Aug, the nine Malay rulers agreed to affix their signatures signifying their assent to the new constitutional arrangements. In doing so, they issued their wasiat, meaning primarily a legal will or testament, but also with connotations suggesting a sacred heirloom or legacy.

    They bestowed this wasiat, they said, upon the Malay rakyat, their original subjects. In it they affirmed several points. The name of the land was Persekutuan Tanah Melayu; one-half of that land would be set aside for Malay Reservation; the Malay Regiment would be their instrument to protect the Malay future, their subjects' and their own; they guaranteed the sovereignty both of the government and their own royal position; Islam was to be the religion of the new federation; Malay was to be its language; and the rulers undertook to guarantee the special position of the Malays, together with the legitimate rights of the nation's other citizens. These points from Raja Nazrin Shah's speech on 6 Aug were the front-page highlight in Utusan Malaysia the following day. The full text appeared on the editorial page.

    This wasiat was issued on the rulers' initiative to assert the historical continuity of Malay political power and sovereignty residing with them and now through them within the new nation.

    Whatever the original legal standing of this royal affirmation, issued after the formal enactment of the constitutional instruments of Merdeka, it has now been declared sacrosanct. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak announced that solidarity between rulers and rakyat was inscribed within Malay history itself. Umno vice-president and Defence Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi characterised the wasiat as the pre-independence rulers' last word and binding injunction to the entire people, non-Malay as well as Malay.


    Raja Nazrin Shah (Public domain)It was different and distinct from any negotiated intercommunal "social contract". Barisan Nasional-installed Perak Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir insisted that, as the foundation of nationhood, this wasiat is itself the basis of any "social contract". Any attempt to deny it would imperil national stability.

    Consent in context

    One may read the rulers' wasiat literally, in isolation. This view would imply that Merdeka could not have been achieved without the issuing of the wasiat signifying the rulers' consent. National sovereign independence exists only by virtue of royal grace, favour and beneficence. Yet where its words correspond with those of the constitution these matters were already decided, and where they do not (as when they declare that Islam is the religion, not the "official religion", of the federation) the constitutional wording is authoritative.

    But the royal wasiat cannot be read simply in its own terms, literally and out of context. It came at the very end of, even after, a long process. Initially the rulers had been wary of Merdeka. They feared for their standing as heads of the Islamic religion that underpinned their position in their separate states.

    Very late in the process, they accepted assurances that their accustomed positions would not be diminished by the creation of an independent national federation with Islam as its official religion. Satisfied that Merdeka would not encroach upon their prerogatives as state heads of Islam, they agreed to the constitutional proposals that emerged from the Reid Commission. The British government was delighted (published documents note) that, late in the day, the rulers had "changed their tune" on these matters, ensuring a smooth process of political evolution.

    New power, and old

    The British government had made it clear to the rulers that power was shifting from them. Britain was now dealing with the popularly supported leaders of a new and prospectively modern nation. The rulers were given to understand that they had a clear choice: to go along with the creation of a new political order or to be sidelined.

    The issuing of their wasiat, once they had agreed to terms on the virtual eve of independence, was the proud action of dignified, tradition-conscious men in the face of the inevitable, of dramatic and far-reaching changes. Britain had no objection, or any interest in preventing its declaration. Nor, from Britain's standpoint, did it have any constitutional status.

    The formal statements of such focal people carry great cultural weight and authority. Their wasiat affirming their consent and giving their blessing to Merdeka was stamped at the time with their great prestige. It can still be made, by contemporary politicians, to convey great force even today.

    Malaysian flag billowing in the wind
    (Pic by Chris2K / sxc.hu) Clarifying the foundations of nationhood

    But if the Malay rulers' final pre-independence admonition is to enjoy the great prestige, and carry the enormous political weight today that some political leaders now wish it to bear, it is strange that until now it has remained so little known. Raja Nazrin's recent reminder sent leading historians scurrying to their documentary sources, fruitlessly.

    The royal wasiat does not appear in the published British archival sources of key documents on the "Merdeka process". Its omission is not surprising. In the independence negotiations, Britain was mainly concerned to resolve technical constitutional matters, including such questions as nationality, citizenship and legal appeals as well as defence arrangements. It preferred not to become involved in "local matters". These it left to be worked out by the local players themselves. They could be settled in open politics between Umno and its Islamic and radical Malay rivals; and more politely between Umno and its Alliance partners, especially the MCA, in intercommunal matters, and between the Umno leadership and the Malay rulers over matters of Malay political tradition.

    Those who now wish to invoke the 1957 wasiat and make it render important political service might well make that document, its provenance and transmission and all relevant related materials publicly available. That would allow all Malaysians to fully comprehend the processes that led to this nation's independence and the role that the Malay rulers played towards achieving it. The foundations of modern nationhood cannot be left shrouded in mystery.

    Clive Kessler co-authored Sharing the Nation together with Norani Othman and Mavis C Puthucheary. He is Emeritus Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the School of Social Sciences and International Studies at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia. The Nut Graph....
    py

  9. #29
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    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - MALAYAN HISTORY: MERDEKA - What Independence?

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    THE RAT RACE PART V – CH. 3: A REVIEW OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    3.1: PRE-INDEPENDENCE (BEFORE 31 AUG 1957) – THE EVENTS


    During our younger days, we found history deathly boring. We did not realize then that history was a very powerful tool used by the Ruling Class for indoctrination, manipulation, propaganda, misinformation and spreading of lies.

    George Santayana (Spanish-born American Philosopher, Poet and Humanist) said:

    Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

    And Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, Joseph Goebbels said:

    “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. The lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie. It thus becomes vitally important for the State to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the State.” Repeated Lies.

    Naturally, nowadays, we don’t use such titles anymore. So we have Minister of Information, often supported by the Minister of Home Affairs. Their jobs are to lie to the public to keep them quiescent. Still, Goebbel’s Principles of Propaganda are constantly referred to by those distinguished people.

    31 Aug 1957: Merdeka. Political power was handed over to UMNO giving them control of the intelligence services (Special Branch), the police, the army, the bureaucracy in particular the National Registration Department in charge of citizenship. The mantle of “protector” of the Malay rights passed from the British to UMNO. MCA and MIC were retained as junior partners to control the Chinese and the Indians. They were left in charge of the economy. But the real masters were the British who controlled 80% of the economy and had stationed a Commonwealth army to fight the MCP. So, the British found a new formula to continue their control of Malaya with UMNO replacing the sultans as the new figurehead - neocolonialism.
    What Independence?

    by William Leong Jee Keen, MP Selayang.

    On this August 31st, we shall celebrate the 52nd anniversary of the British leaving our country. I did not say we are celebrating the 52nd anniversary of our independence. This is because our people have not enjoyed real liberty, democracy or justice. Without liberty, democracy or justice there is no independence.

    In these 52 years the oppressive rule of a foreign colonial master has been replaced by the oppressive rule of a local master. They rule with an iron fist. They use the same instruments of oppression as the British did. They use the ISA, the Sedition Act, the Printing Press & Publications Act and detention without trial. The freedom of assembly, the freedom of expression and the freedom to live a life of dignity free from fear and oppression are illusions.

    In these 52 years the yoke of a foreign colonial master has been replaced by the yoke of a local master. They use the same policy of “divide and rule”. They survive by feeding off racialism. They survive by fostering divisiveness. They survive by preaching religious intolerance.

    What Teoh Beng Hock died for

    Malaysians will not know real independence, will not be free and will not enjoy democracy unless this oppressive regime is thrown out. They must be thrown out just like Teoh Beng Hock was thrown out from the 14th floor of the MACC office. We must not forget Teoh Beng Hock. We must not forget what he stood for. More importantly, we must not forget what he died for. He lived to help Malaysians in the struggle against corruption and oppression. He died so that our struggle can live. He died fighting for justice.

    What Justice?


    Without justice we cannot say we have liberty or democracy or equal rights. We cannot say we have liberty or freedom when Tamil schools have no tables and chairs. When in Sabah and Sarawak, schools have no electricity. A child that is illiterate is not free. We cannot say we have democracy or equal rights for women, when a Chinese girl with 9A1s cannot enter a university. A girl without a job has no rights. We cannot say we have freedom of choice when a man cannot feed his family. A starving man has no choice.

    Liberty, democracy and freedom are meaningless words when there is no justice. Justice is political liberty. Justice is economic independence. Justice is equality. There is no political liberty when you vote out of fear. There is no economic independence when you give your support out of fear your son’s scholarship will be withdrawn or your license will be withdrawn. There is no freedom of choice when you elect a party out of fear for your contract or your business. This is what has been happening in these 52 years and this will continue if we do not act. There will be many more Teoh Beng Hocks and many more Port Klang Free Zones if we do not stop them.

    What One Malaysia?


    Najib says he wants One Malaysia. Teoh Beng Hock’s death has shocked us back to reality. We cannot just listen to rhetoric. We must look at the deeds. When we look, we see what has been done, is a far cry from what has been said. The Perak government has been stolen from its people. Najib has now declared his intention to grab the Selangor government.

    The MACC is a tool. It is used to de-stabilize the Pakatan Rakyat government. Teoh Beng Hock was interrogated throughout the night. He was grilled for buying RM2,400 worth of Malaysian flags. No one has been grilled when PKFZ loss RM12.6 billion. The MACC officers are raiding the Pakatan Exco members’ office so often they are becoming fixtures. Cars and cows and Malaysian flags have become a fixation of the MACC. MACC has not shown the same enthusiasm when it comes to BN assemblymen who used up their annual allocation of RM500,000 in 2 months before the general elections. The MACC has also not shown any interest in the trips by the former chief minister and his family to study the river system in Disney Land. There is no investigation into how the former chief minister can afford to purchase a multi-million ringgit mansion that is beyond the means of a chief minister’s salary.

    Barisan Nasional machinery is now on the move. Books attacking Anwar Ibrahim and Khalid Ibrahim are being distributed. The authors of these books are sowing the seeds of hatred and contempt. They desecrate the Hindu’s sacred cow in a protest filled with bigotry. They protest against a Hindu temple built 150 years ago when the area was a plantation that today, just like its devotees, the estate workers, had been left behind by development. They have forgotten Muslims were invited to practice their religion amongst the people of Yathrib. They are beating the drums of race and religion and the tone is becoming harsher with each beat.

    The people must now decide. There cannot be any fence sitters. There is no middle ground.

    When Teoh Beng Hock was thrown out, the people of Malaysia was thrown together with him into the sea of political troubles. Whether Malaysia will sink or swim is now up to the people. The people must decide once and for all what is right and what is wrong. There cannot be a neutral ground.

    Dante said:

    The hottest place in Hell is reserved for those who remain neutral in times of moral crisis.

    Today in Malaysia there is no place for neutrality. Malaysians must make their choice now.

    If we want to know what is evil and what is right, we must use our moral compass. It is only when we know the direction where justice lies can we know where we must stand. Do we want to choose liberty and justice which are always right or do we want to choose corruption, hatred, arrogance and oppression which are always wrong? The choice is clear. Every Malaysian must make his stand.

    When you stand for liberty we stand with you.


    I want to tell you that when you stand for liberty, we will stand with you. When you defend democracy, we will be your shield. When you fight for justice, we will be your sword. We will always be with you.

    They assaulted Anwar Ibrahim. They threw him in jail for 6 long years. They call him a traitor and worse. But Anwar will always be here to fight for you.

    They hounded and harassed Lim Kit Siang. They detained him in Kamunting. But Lim Kit Siang will always be here to stand by you.

    They attacked Tok Guru Nik Aziz and try to humiliate him. But Tok Guru Nik Aziz will always be here to protect you.

    We have been tested. They have thrown everything they have at us but we are still standing and we are still here.

    We were here in November 2007 when a sea of yellow marched for a free and fair election. This was BERSIH. We were here in December when thousands in orange marched for equality. This was Makal Sakthi. This was the ripple that started the tsunami. Barisan Nasional was swept out of 5 states. Since then Barisan Nasional has become more extreme in their policies. They have become more brutal with the people.

    When we Hope


    So on 1st August, the lovers of justice and liberty marched again. Again Barisan Nasional responded with violence and brutality. 638 people including women and children were arrested. Despite the police shutting down the city, despite the many road blocks and barricades, despite the arrest of those wearing black, the number who succeeded in gathering far exceeded my expectations. But the size of the gathering cannot be bigger than my hope for Malaysia. My hope is for every one that braved the tear gas and water cannons there will be many thousands more. We want hundreds of thousands to march with us. We will march from under the shadow of fear into the light of justice. My hope is that the flame burning in each who gathered that day will kindle the hearts and minds of many thousands more. Malaysians will find the courage to stand up for principles and convictions. We must stand up for what is right.

    This is my hope and this is the hope of all Malaysians. Truth, love and justice will prevail over the forces of hate and oppression. This will only happen when the silent majority refuses to remain silent anymore. This will only happen when the voice of the majority is finally heard. We must be confident that oppression and corruption cannot endure. We must take comfort that truth and justice will always prevail. But this can only be achieved if we fight for it. We must fight today for a better tomorrow.

    Looking Back in the Future


    Do not let our children look back and say that these are dark days. Let them say that these are great days. These are the most glorious days that our country ever had. These days will be remembered as the days when we were called, we answered. We stood up. We stood together shoulder to shoulder irrespective of race or religion. We fought and we prevailed. Each of us played our part according to our strengths. Our children and their children will look back on these days and celebrate it as the days we became ONE NATION. These days will be etched in our Nation’s history as the days we won over injustice and oppression. These will be the days we celebrate THE TRUE MERDEKA.

    Thank you, Xie xie , vanakam.

    William Leong Jee Keen
    29th August 2009.
    py

  10. #30
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
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    13,385

    Re: THE RAT RACE PART V - CH. 3 MALAYAN HISTORY - The other freedom fighters

    Quote Originally Posted by pywong
    THE RAT RACE PART V – CH. 3: A REVIEW OF MALAYAN HISTORY
    3.1: PRE-INDEPENDENCE (BEFORE 31 AUG 1957) – THE EVENTS


    George Santayana (Spanish-born American Philosopher, Poet and Humanist) said:

    Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

    And Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, Joseph Goebbels said:

    “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. The lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie.
    This is the part of history that UMNO does not want us to know about.

    Deleted from victors' history: The other freedom fighters
    K Kabilan, Aug 31, 09

    At midnight on Aug 30, 1957, millions of Malayans rejoiced the momentous occasion of the nation's father Tunku Abdul Rahman replacing the Union Jack with the Malayan flag.

    About 450 kilometres away, deep in a thick jungle at the border of Malaya and Thailand, a smaller band of brothers (read: armed comrades) was huddled in front of a fire, pondering what would that act of lowering the Union Jack mean to them.

    Fifty-two years on, they are all bitter that the truth about their role in gaining independence for the country remains unrecognised, and are worried that it would die with them.

    This group of men and women – all members of the fearsome 10th Regiment of the Communist Party of Malaya led by Abdullah CD – have been based in this border area since the end of 1953 following a continuous onslaught against them by the British forces.

    Numbering about 550 people, these guerrilla fighters had waged a war to get rid of the British since the formation of their regiment on May 21, 1949. They were part of a larger CPM war unit under its Malaya National Liberation Army which had about 8,000 fighters at its peak.

    However, with the declaration of Emergency in 1948, the party was banned and for the next 12 years, they were in constant battle with the authorities (first the British, then the Malayans with the help of the British) who were adamant about getting rid of the communist guerrillas.

    The resulting offensive drove many communist guerrillas into the Thai-Malaysian border, where the subsequent Malaysian government continued their attacks until a peace deal was struck in 1989.

    By 1989, the strength of the CPM had dwindled and following the peace agreement, they settled in four 'peace villages' in southern Thailand.

    What remains now is a history in the perspective of the victors where these CPM guerrilla's are demonised as terrorists.

    In view of the nation's 52nd Merdeka, Malaysiakini recently visited one such communist 'peace village' in Sukhirin, southern Thailand, to talk to some of these battle-hardened “communist insurgents” on their role in gaining independence.

    The village – Kampung Chulaborn 12 – is home to about 460 people, made of the families and extended family members of the original Regiment 10 members.

    It had about 260 people – mostly ex-communist members – when it was established in 1989. Today, the remaining war veterans include Abdullah CD, his wife Suriani Abdullah and about 20 of his comrades.

    People were suffering under the British

    The 10th Regiment was established in Temerloh by Abdullah CD and as such most of its members had come from Temerloh and other parts of Pahang.

    One of them is Shukor Ismail, now 80, who was taken in by the communist ideology in 1948 and was a pioneer member of Regiment 10.

    “At that time the people suffered under the British rule. We had just come out of the Japanese occupation, which was also a painful period. Many had already started feeling that we did not need the British to rule us,” he recounted outside his attap house in the peace village.

    “The farmers were feeling the economic pinch as they were not getting enough. It seemed as though all our hard work and money was being shipped off to London for the empire.

    “I started my war against them because of this – they took what's mine to enrich themselves,” said Shukor, whose body was clearly showing the evidence of hardship it had undergone.

    He added that the people of Temerloh had an early start in nationalism as a result of the anti-British war initiated by Dato Bahaman in 1891 to 1895.

    “His failure was the key to our struggle. The descendants of Dato Bahaman in Temerloh always knew that we had to get rid of the British and we managed to do that with CPM and our regiment.”

    Shukor also had no doubt over the role played by his comrades in freeing this nation from the occupiers.

    “This was our revolution and we were successful, despite what the rulers of Malaysia say today.

    “It was our campaign which brought about the change in the mindset of the people that they could self-rule and that they could chart their own future without any outside interference.

    “What had the others done actually? They were colluding with the British. And now they are denying us of our role,” he said with a tinge of anger in his voice.

    'We drove them away'

    Shukor went on to say that it was a falsehood to state that Malayan independence was gained without shedding a drop of blood.

    “That makes no logic at all for the politicians to say we gained our independence peacefully. For me, the price of independence came with our blood being shed.

    “We drove the British away. They left because they couldn't outwit us in jungle warfare and they were defeated as they knew they could never stop us from attacking them. They did not want to continue with that burden so they handed the country to Umno, knowing that the armed struggle would be between Malayans after that.

    “And even when they gave the country to Umno, the British were still holding much influence, be it in security matters or in financial matters. They were also reaping the benefits of our economy,” he added.

    He said that it was never the intention of the communist to fight among Malayans. The enemy was the British and “their stooges”, he added.

    “I'm sad that the people in Malaysia today are unaware of this truth. They only believe in what has been told to them by the present rulers, who find it suitable to give prominence to whatever role they played in getting the independence.

    “The present government is still living in that lie. It's in the history books, it's in their national monument... look at Tugu Negara. What do you see? You see British soldiers kicking local fighters. That does not reflect the correct historical fact,” said the former guerrilla who spent 40 years in jungle.

    He also added that he felt independence was not fully attained by the people of Malaysia as “the residues of British rule are still prevalent in our system”.

    “When it comes to political power in the nation, it is still a leftover of the British concept of race-based rule. Are the people fully empowered to do what they want for the nation? Is everyone equal in Malaysia today?

    “What is different from the British divide-and-rule policy? Economically, is everyone well-to-do? Who is controlling the economy? Just like the British period, it is still in the hands of a group of people, not with the rakyat,” he noted.

    The victor's version is skewed

    This was a point which was agreed to by his colleague Awang Yaakob, a former team leader of the 10th Regiment.

    The 75-year-old born in Temerloh, who goes by the name Hatta, joined the movement at the age of 15 in 1949.

    He lamented that the youth of today had no inkling of the role played by his comrades in gaining independence.

    “Our revolution was a success and it brought about independence for the nation but sadly our role is being kept in the dark by the politicians who ultimately benefited from our struggles,” said the pint-sized but valiant-hearted man with plenty of battle scars in his body.

    “The younger generation today have no way to find out about the respective roles played by CPM, Umno and other nationalists in gaining independence because what we have now is only the version of one party - Umno.”

    However, he said that he was glad that his family back in Temerloh and other friends knew the truth.

    “My family back in Temerloh applaud me for that. Forget the politicians, for the rest, we have done a service for the nation,” he said.

    Like his comrade Shukor, Hatta too spent almost 40 years in the jungle for which he bears many scars from gun-shot wounds on his body as evidence of his part in getting the British out.

    “Of course we killed them (the British), but they also killed us. Don't just blame us for the all the atrocities. It was a war, you had to kill to stay alive and to keep up your struggle,” he said without a hint of regret.

    “We were clear in what we wanted and we had achieved that,” he said wile insisting that it was time for the Malaysian government to reveal the truth about the roles played by his communist comrades.

    “The government is just fearful that its influence will wane if the people know the truth,” he said.

    Women fought just as fearlessly

    Another former communist guerrilla, Siti Mariam Idris, 83, meanwhile said it was the independence movement mooted by the Malay nationalists, who later joined the CPM, that paved the way for women participation in politics.

    “In CPM we had so many women leaders, people such as Shamsiah Faker, Zainab Baginda and Suriani to name just a few.

    “They played a big role in emancipating the kampung women on issues of being independent and free.

    “Are these facts reflected in the history today? Are these heroines mentioned anywhere by the government?” she asked.

    Siti Mariam, known as Atom among her comrades, joined the revolution in May 1949.

    She hails from a little waterhole called Lubuk Kawah, the hotbed of nationalism in Temerloh at that time.

    Atom was a section leader and was involved in major fights “with the enemy”, especially in Bukit Tuel and Bukit Rambutan in 1968/69.

    Her ever-smiling face and down-to-earth persona clearly masks the fortitude she had in carrying firearms for the sake of her nation.

    “I took up arms to free my nation, for my race and religion. I have no regrets for doing that.

    “Women fought just as fearlessly for our ideologies as we had an equal role to play and were accorded the same level of support and respect.

    "My only regret is that our fight for independence is being sidelined by the others,” she said.

    Nowadays Atom is much more interested in mundane matters such as getting a new broom instead of tackling enemies.

    But never for a moment can one dismiss this as a mark of people like Atom having forgotten their cause and revolution. That spirit of loving their nation is still pretty much burning bright in their hearts. Malaysiakini. Subscription required.
    py

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