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Thread: May 13

  1. #21
    Join Date
    Oct 2008

    May 13 more accurately ‘genocidal’ than racial riots

    May 13 more accurately ‘genocidal’ than racial riots — CT Wong
    December 16, 2010

    DEC 16 — The Utusan deputy editor-in-chief Zaini Hassan had recently written that May 13 should be celebrated as “tarikh keramat” — an auspicious and sacred day. He opined that May 13 is a blessing in disguise, and without May 13 the Malays would not have enjoyed the benefits as what they are enjoying today.

    From the Oxford Fajar bilingual dictionary, “keramat” means “place or object that is (believed to be) sacred with supernatural or magical powers.” The powers refer to the special ability to cure sickness or to provide protection.

    So far, May 13 has not cured the malignant sickness of racism dating from colonial times — colonialism is a form of racism. Neither do the citizens feel more protected from its relapse. What we witnessed was not supernatural powers, but authoritarian powers that destroy the very foundation of democracy — separation of powers of the executive, the judiciary and the legislative.

    I find it difficult to understand how May 13 might wish to be celebrated as sacred, as spiritual. The predators become heroes and idols. Where is the sacredness? When unarmed Malaysians who were non-combatants were sacrificed by those in the deadly pursuit of power and wealth, God or gods were also sacrificed. In fact, civilisation, if not God, abandoned us during those dark days.

    To the Germans who are proud of their Einstein, Beethoven and Sigmund Freud, these names are forever linked to Auschwitz in the land of Germany. To many a Malaysian, “Islamic” civilisation and the “Malays” are eternally linked to the May 13 genocide.

    The Germans do not celebrate the Holocaust, but to create a museum right in the centre of the SS headquarters and exposing all the crimes against humanity of Hitler and the Nazi party, lest the future generations forget. In this land of Malaysia, the ethnic minorities are repeatedly reminded of “May 13 or equality!”, lest they forget.

    We can always look for a silver lining in our tragedies if we want to. However, the Utusan editor seemed to find the smell of death quite sweet and fragrant. This brings me back to the time how I lived through the days of May 13.

    May 13 to me

    I was an adolescent living in a rather isolated Chinese-owned rubber holding up north. Just a mile away was a formerly foreign-owned rubber estate with mostly Indian rubber tappers. And a few miles away was a Malay kampung. When the news or rumours of “racial riots” in KL reached us, we were shocked not only by the killings but the way they were carried out.

    On May 13, life and death depended on skin colour; the skin that protects us as a biological organism suddenly becomes a death sentence and our vaguely friendly Malay neighbour could suddenly be a murderer. Such fearful thoughts disturbed me for quite a number of days.

    My family and I were forced to move to the nearest small town to stay just in case we happened to be the victims.

    As time went on, the traumatic memories and the rawness of receiving a rude shock out of the deep slumber of racial accommodation slowly faded. I moved on with my life. But, time and again, non-Malays like me are being reminded of May 13.

    What is May 13 then? And why call it racial riots?

    Social contract destroyed

    To me, May 13 means that the Alliance government of the day failed to protect its citizens. It means that the social contract between the state and citizens was deliberately broken.

    May 13 means the killing of civilians. It cannot be justified by any rules of war.

    May 13 means the extension of politics by an unjust and immoral war.

    The use of the phrase “May 13 racial riots” is constantly being circulated and recycled in all our narratives, including that from the opposition parties. It is understandable if we use euphemistic terms to describe something awful so that we can cushion off the emotional overwhelm. But the phrases “racial riots” or “racial clash” or “May 13 incident” only serve the purpose of bleaching the mass atrocities, the mass murders of May 13.

    Dissecting the label

    The word “racial” is quite a harmless term. You can use it for “racial harmony” also. It does not bring out the sense of cruelty embedded in racism. When killing based on race is so ruthless, you don’t call it “racial” anymore. It would be more appropriate to use “genocidal” instead.

    From etymology of the word, “geno” refers to race and “cide” refers to killing (e.g. homicide, suicide, patricide, etc).

    From a definition by the United Nations, genocide refers to the destruction in part or whole of an ethnic group based on religion, ethnicity and racial identity. It does not need to be total as the Final Solution of the Nazis; neither does it need to be deaths in the magnitude of the hundreds of thousands or millions as in the Rwanda genocide.

    S.A. Budd, the British High Commissioner to Malaysia in 1969, was quoted as saying “...that of 77 corpses in the morgue of the General Hospital on 14 May, at least 60 were Chinese...” (Kua Kia Soong, 2007). The demography of ethnic identities is obvious.

    Gregory Stanton, the president of Genocide Watch, argued that “the motive of the killer to take the victim’s property or to politically dominate the victim’s group does not remove genocidal intent if the victim is chosen because of his ethnic, national, racial or religious group.”

    The intent was clearly genocidal in the case of May 13. So, May 13 may be more accurately redefined as the May 13 genocidal mass killing, or May 13 genocidal massacre, or genocidal mass atrocity, or if we retain the “riots” terminology, at least May 13 genocidal riots, lest we celebrate the historical events for the wrong reasons.

    Riots as we understand it from the experience of the United States, Britain and Europe is that of an expressive act of hostility by the aggrieved and subordinate group or class. The American blacks, for example, were so marginalised economically and culturally that violence was used as a counterbalance against power inequalities. Rioting is often used defensively by the ethnic minorities to confront the authorities who are from the dominant group, in particular the police, to bring them to the negotiating table.

    Riot is not usually an instrument employed by the state.

    May 13 was not perpetrated by skinheads or a Chinese secret society. It was “a planned coup d’etat by the ascendant state capitalist class against the Tunku-led aristocracy.” (Kua, 2007).

    In other words, it was state-sponsored, or at least state-tolerated with deliberate and conscious planning.

    Nothing sacred to celebrate

    Without the green light from the top and Malay power elites, the scale and magnitude of the destruction would not be possible within a mere few days. The Malaysian official statistics of casualties as of May 21, 1969 were: “137 killed — 18 Malays, 342 injured, 109 vehicles burned, 118 buildings destroyed, 2,912 persons arrested, mostly curfew breakers.”(Kua, 2007).

    Time magazine (May 23, 1969) cited Western diplomatic sources as believing the death toll was closer to 600, with most of the victims Chinese. It also wrote that “... by the time the four days of race war and strife had run their course, the General Hospital’s morgue was so crowded that bodies were put into plastic bags and hung on hooks.”

    Hence, May 13 may be re-conceptualised as the 1969 Malaysian Genocide, of which there is nothing sacred to celebrate. We, whatever our race and religion, would like to die with dignity in a spiritual or cultural sense. This desire is a human norm as only men bury their dead.

    The violent deaths of May 13 were otherwise than dignified.

    I could still remember those days when the adults were talking excitedly, at times with horror, under the rubber trees about the deadly slaughter happening hundreds of miles away in Kuala Lumpur.

    There were the stories of the Chinese secret societies which were viewed as a nuisance in peaceful times but during May 13 becoming the protector of the community. Also, I heard that there were courageous soldiers who refused to be willing executioners. The truth, be it from the perspective of the perpetrators or of the massacre survivors or the conscientious objectors, is yet to be openly told.

    Ian Ward of the London Daily Telegraph reported on May 23, 1969 that “the initial stages of the government crackdown produced glaring discrimination against the Chinese.” (Kua, 2007).

    Minorities vulnerable to violence

    I would celebrate May 13 if an anti-genocide standby unit is formed today in the armed forces or the police forces specifically trained and dedicated to handle racist malignant conflicts.

    It is risky to pray for heroes to emerge or to hope that soldiers would act professionally rather than become willing executioners in ugly and brutalising times. On May 13, there were some heroes and some soldiers who valued professionalism. But we have a better chance of saving more lives if the prevention of massacres is taken as a professional duty of the armed forces.

    Gregory Stanton in his “8 Stages of Genocide” proposed that genocide is also a cultural question. He wrote that “… a plan for genocide doesn’t need to be written out. An act of genocide may arise in a culture that considers members of another group less than human, where killing members of that group is not considered murder. This is the culture of impunity characteristic of genocidal societies.”

    Those who use genocidal threats of May 13 are in fact operating in a cultural environment that condones or affirms a new moral code of behaviour: killing is not murder.

    Killing is repulsive to many a human. Once it is rationalised, the normal moral restraint is removed. Police could kill suspects when they believe or justify that they are killing crime, and not criminals, real or imagined. Or a soldier could kill old people, women or children if he believes that he is killing ideological enemies and not human beings.

    And the intelligentsia would have no qualms about justifying mass murders.

    Brutalising ideology can kill

    Of course guns or machetes kill. But it is the justifying words of a destructive racist ideology that direct the brain to give green light to the fingers to pull the trigger. Hence, ideology kills, be it in the print or electronic media.

    Being conditioned by a coercive and brutalising ideology, the power elites rationalise unequal and oppressive treatment of the others when perceiving themselves as the victims due to historical injustices. This sows the seeds of genocide and waters its growth.

    The threat of a repeat of May 13 is to suppress the raising of civil rights issues. May 13 is in actual fact democide, a mass killing because of democratic demands by the ethnic minorities. Genocide is justified because democratic demands pose a threat of the loss of power of the dominant race or rather the power elites.

    May 13 is state-tolerated genocidal violence deeply rooted in cultural and social conditions.

    May 13 is an unjust and immoral war against the ethnic minorities asking for legitimate democratic demands. The threat of its repeat is being used to legitimise social inequalities and to deprive citizens the freedom of thought and discussion.

    The intelligentsia class is often guilty of complicity in mass murders. Our own intelligentsia class urgently needs critical self-examination and self-reflection, not celebration and not bleaching of mass murders. —

    * This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified. TheMalaysiaInsider....

  2. #22
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
    May 13: Hidden Hands Still at Work


    Friday, 13 May 2011 admin-s

    The UMNO-owned and controlled press, especially Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian have been indispensable accessories in the orchestration of communalism and racial tension. I have monitored the way “The UMNO Media Communalises” in order to show you how the trick is done.

    By Dr Kua Kia Soong, Director of SUARAM, 13 May 2011

    When the May 13 Incident broke out in 1969, Said Zahari wrote these lines while under ISA detention in Singapore:

    “Once again
    History repeats itself
    By savage deeds
    In a civilized age

    Once again
    Hidden hands appear
    Seeking the blood
    Of the poor and the wretched

    Once again
    Colour, race, religion and language
    Become sharp blades
    To use in the carnage

    It has happened
    In every corner of the earth
    Where the few eat bread
    And the rest sand

    It has happened
    Where the few clothed in velvet
    Sleep in palaces
    The rest go naked, squeezed into shacks

    It has happened –
    Then hidden hands reappear
    Spilling the blood of the poor
    To cling on to power…”
    Said Zahari certainly did not buy the official line that the riots had broken out spontaneously. The thesis of my 2007 title May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969 was that the pogrom was orchestrated by these hidden hands to facilitate the rise of the Malay state capitalist class in UMNO and to topple the aristocratic class headed by the Tunku. This opportunity presented itself after the devastating results for the ruling coalition in the 1969 general elections.

    It was not until July 1969 – a lapse of two full months - that the security forces played their expected role of restoring order. It was not as if the Malaysian security forces were inexperienced in the role of maintaining order. They had successfully contained the armed insurgency during the Emergency from 1948 to 1960 under more difficult circumstances. Allowing the riots to continue for so many weeks provided an excuse for the new UMNO ruling class to make use of the state of emergency to implement their agenda for political and economic dominance through the New Economic Policy. In this plan, they received the full backing and connivance of the police and military.

    Before the publication of my book, UMNO had all along been using “May 13” as a spectre to frighten voters of another pogrom whenever a strong political opposition had arisen to challenge the ruling coalition. This was seen in various general elections such as the one in 1990 when the public broadcasting media RTM was used to purvey scenes of carnage to remind voters of the consequences.

    Even the Tunku could see through the ploy. In 1988, he gave short shrift to the Government’s White Paper on Operation Lalang:

    “For the Prime Minister (Dr Mahathir) to repeat (the story of) the violence of the May 13 Affair as a warning of what would have happened if the Government had not taken appropriate action immediately is like telling ghost stories to our children to prevent them from being naughty. This is not a childish matter but a matter of national importance. The tale should not be repeated because it shows us to be politically immature.” (SUARAM, “The White Paper on the October Affair and the Why? Papers”, 1989: 5)

    The prelude to Operation Lalang saw the UMNO leaders orchestrating racial tension over the transfer of non-qualified administrators to Chinese primary schools. They held a rally in Kampong Baru at which then UMNO Youth Chief and present prime minister was one of the chest thumpers on stage while banners called for “Chinese blood” and “May 13”.

    Since then, UMNO has unleashed its Youth group to harass any groups which question UMNO policies such as the mob assault on the East Timor Conference in 1996; the demonstration against the Chinese associations’ Suqiu appeals and threat to burn down the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall in 2000, among others.

    Orchestration of the UMNO- Controlled Media

    The UMNO-owned and controlled press, especially Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian have been indispensable accessories in the orchestration of communalism and racial tension to justify authoritarian measures such as was seen in Operation Lalang, 1987 and to frighten the voters into supporting the status quo.

    I have monitored the way “The UMNO Media Communalises” in Media Watch: The Use and Abuse of the Malaysian Press, 1990, in order to show you how the trick is done. For example, when the Government was being criticized for the BMF scandal in the eighties, Berita Harian (19.9.86) featured the UMNO president, Dr Mahathir’s veiled threat at the UMNO general assembly: KESABARAN MELAYU ADA HADNYA (“There is a limit to the patience of the Malays”). Utusan Malaysia (19.9.86) would not be outdone: JANGAN AMBIL MUDAH ORANG MELAYU (“Don’t take Malays for granted”)

    When there was widespread opposition to the Official Secrets Act Amendment Bill in 1986 by all ethnic groups, Utusan Malaysia (6.12.86) chose to feature this headline quoting the UMNO Youth Chief Datuk Seri Mohd Najib: NAJIB INGATKAN ANGGOTA-ANGGOTA UMNO KEPIMPINAN MELAYU SEDANG DICABAR (“Najib alerts UMNO members Malay leadership being challenged”)

    During the orchestrated “crisis” over the posting of unqualified administrators to the Chinese primary schools, the banner headline in Berita Harian (19.10.87) read: KEKAL KETUANAN MELAYU – PEMUDA (“Defend Malay dominance – UMNO Youth”)

    Then when Tengku Razaleigh was leading the Opposition Front in the 1990 general elections, the editorial headline of Berita Harian (20.4.90) read: POLITIK TENGKU RAZALEIGH MERUGIKAN MELAYU (“Tengku Razaleigh’s politics – Malays lose out”)

    One really needs to go further back to the Sixties to monitor how the UMNO media has deliberately communalized issues. It all gets rather tedious to even the most weathered media watcher because they carry on ad nauseum to serve the UMNO agenda for political and economic domination by playing on Malay chauvinism.

    As the young generation can see with their own eyes today, the UMNO media have not stopped. The latest caper by Utusan Malaysia alleging a plot to make Christianity an official religion is probably one of the crudest yet in its arsenal of orchestrated untruths.

    Yet, has any Utusan Malaysia editor been sacked by their political masters for all these deliberate attempts at stoking racial tensions? So much for Najib’s “1Malaysia” caper! And they wonder why Malaysian professionals are leaving the country…

    Demands for the 13th General Elections

    Calling upon UMNO and the UMNO-owned and controlled media to be more responsible is like asking a leopard to change its spots. Bumiputraism has been part and parcel of UMNO’s ideology and method for maintaining political and economic power. Demands for social responsibility and ethical standards in the media will not be heeded unless these are enshrined in new democratic institutions.

    Therefore, as we mark this 42nd anniversary of May 13, we reiterate the call for:

    - A Truth & Reconciliation Commission to honour those who lost their lives in 1969 and to learn the lessons of that dark episode of Malaysian history by pointing the way forward toward national reconciliation;

    - An independent Press Council and Broadcasting Authority, whose members and Chair are seen to be truly independent, acceptable and respected by civil society;

    - A Race Relations Act to outlaw racism, racial discrimination, hate crimes and other related intolerances and an Equal Opportunities Commission;

    - Ratification of the International Convention on the Eradication of Racism, Racial Discrimination and all forms of Intolerance.

    ---------- Post added at 05:51 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:48 PM ----------

    ‘Don’t allow for a repeat of May 13

    Teresa Kok, May 13, 2011

    To remember May 13 riots, Hishammuddin Hussein should crack down on Utusan Malaysia as a show of the government’s commitment against racial and religious provocation


    Today marks the 42nd anniversary of May 13 riots. It stands as a day of infamy, caused in part by misinformation to stoke the flames of discontent among the races being spread among the populace, leading to fear, anger and ultimately to destruction of property and deaths.

    To ensure that this day does not repeat itself, the government must send a strong message that those guilty of spreading misinformation which divides multi-racial multi-religious Malaysia must stop or be made to stop.

    Thus, I urge the government to take stern action against Utusan Malaysia for spreading its lies and misinformation with its utterly irresponsible and unconscionable reporting of its “Kristian agama rasmi?” frontpage story.

    It is despicable that Utusan Malaysia, which is owned by Umno, published this made-up story based on the wild allegations of two pro-Umno bloggers who provided no evidence whatsoever, and yet Utusan has escaped unpunished by Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein, who is also Umno vice president.

    The letter of caution issued by Hishammuddin to Utusan Malaysia is a pathetic excuse for censure because it does not commensurate at all with the gravity of Utusan’s crime of publishing lies to pit the Muslim against the Christians in this country.

    I remind Hishammuddin that the Home Ministry has a track record of taking far more severe action upon other publications who committed lesser wrongs and oversights, including:

    In 2006, China Press was made to sack its two top editors after it wrongly identified the woman in the “nude squat” incident as a Chinese national.

    In 2006, the Sarawak Tribune was suspended for publishing a disrespectful image of the Prophet Muhammad.

    In 2006, Guang Ming evening edition too was suspended for two weeks for publishing the same image

    In 2007, Makkal Osai was suspended for 1 month for publishing a disrespectful image of Jesus Christ.

    In 2008, Sin Chew reporter Tan Hoon Cheng was detained under the Internal Security Act, not for any wrongdoing but for reporting the truth that Umno division chief Ahmad Ismail’s had described the Chinese as mere squatters in Malaysia.

    Prevent May 13

    In 2008, I too was a victim of Utusan Malaysia’s irresponsible journalism when it falsely reported that I had forbidden the call of the azan by a mosque in my Kinrara constituency, leading to my detention under the Internal Security Act.

    In 2010, China Press chief editor Teoh Yang Koon was suspended for two weeks for misreporting Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan’s resignation.

    Thus, Hishammuddin should not practice double standards in his handling of Utusan Malaysia whose repeated malicious reporting has gone far beyond the point of mere cautioning.

    The right thing for Hishammuddin to do is revoke Utusan Malaysia’s publication license to send a strong message that such news-reporting is contemptible, unacceptable and totally incongruent with the 1Malaysia that the government claims to support.

    If he does so, Malaysians can finally be free from the dangers of Utusan Malaysia’s malicious provocation.

    Hishammuddin should then go one step further to have the editors of Utusan Malaysia sacked in his capacity as Umno vice president.

    After all, Utusan Malaysia is owned by Umno. Hishammuddin has the opportunity, power and influence to do so.

    Failing which, it will appear that the Barisan Nasional government is not sincere in not wanting to prevent May 13 from re-occuring, choosing instead to employ it as a bogeymen when convenient, to pit Malaysians against Malaysians, for their own political interests at the cost of our nation’s peace and security.

    Teresa Kok is Selangor’s senior exco member, DAP’s state rep for Kinrara and MP for Seputeh.

  3. #23
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
    We can also read about the psychological warfare aspect of it under The Malaysian Rat Race Part VI

    Remember May 13?


    Friday, 13 May 2011 Super Admin

    On 24 September 1999, I wrote a very long article on May 13 for the PAS party newspaper, Harakah. Those who may not have read it yet can read it below. It was republished in the Free Anwar Campaign website in January 2003. Also read what Tunku Abdul Rahman had to say in ‘The Tunku Tapes’.


    Raja Petra Kamarudin

    The Tunku on how "May 13" began

    From his residence in Penang, 1972:

    “It was clear to me as well as the police that in the highly charged political atmosphere after the police were forced to kill a Chinese political party worker on May 4th, 1969, something was bound to happen to threaten law and order because of the resentment towards the Government by the KL Chinese on the eve of the general election. This was confirmed at this man’s funeral on the 9th May when the government faced the most hostile crowd it had ever seen.

    Therefore, when the opposition parties applied for a police permit for a procession to celebrate their success in the results of the general election, I was adamant against it because the police were convinced that this would lead to trouble.

    I informed Tun Razak about this and he seemed to agree. Now, without my knowledge and actually “behind my back,” there were certain political leaders in high positions who were working to force me to step down as a PM. I don’t want to go into details but if they had come to me and said so I would gladly have retired gracefully.

    Unfortunately, they were apparently scheming and trying to decide on the best way to force me to resign. The occasion came when the question of the police permit was to be approved.

    Tun Razak and Harun Idris, the MB of the state of Selangor, now felt that permission should be given knowing fully well that there was a likelihood of trouble. I suppose they felt that when this happened they could then demand my resignation.

    To this day I find it very hard to believe that Razak, whom I had known for so many years, would agree to work against me in this way. Actually, he was in my house as I was preparing to return to Kedah and I overhead him speaking to Harun over the phone saying that he would be willing to approve the permit when I left. I really could not believe what I was hearing and preferred to think it was about some other permit. In any case, as the Deputy Prime Minister in my absence from KL, he would be the Acting PM and would override my objection. Accordingly, when I was in my home in Kedah, I heard over the radio that the permit had been approved.

    It seems as though the expected trouble was anticipated and planned for by Harun and his UMNO Youth. After the humiliating insults hurled by the non-Malays, especially the Chinese, and after the seeming loss of Malay political power to them, they were clearly ready for some retaliatory action. After meeting in large numbers at Harun’s official residence in Jalan Raja Muda near Kampong Bahru and hearing inflammatory speeches by Harun and other leaders, they prepared themselves by tying ribbon strips on their foreheads and set out to kill Chinese. The first hapless victims were two of them in a van opposite Harun’s house who were innocently watching the large gathering. Little did they know that they would be killed on the spot.

    The rest is history. I am sorry but I must end this discussion now because it really pains me as the Father of Merdeka to have to relive those terrible moments. I have often wondered why God made me live long enough to have witnessed my beloved Malays and Chinese citizens killing each other.”

    The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 1)

    The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 2)

    The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 3)

    The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 4)

  4. #24
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
    MAY 13, 1969 (513) AS I REMEMBER IT

    Posted on May 13, 2012by weehingthong


    PART 5

    1 What came over the grapevine was this: the DAP were celebrating, holding a victory procession, when they were attacked by angry people of the other race who were also terrified of losing political power.

    2 The government propaganda blamed the DAP. The DAP leaders and supporters jeered at their opponents and people of the other race as they marched throughout the streets of KL.

    3 The government of the time absolved the attackers of all,blame. They were badly provoked. DAP shouldn’t have done that.

    4 What is the truth. Back then, denied news of the incident, we still didn’t believe government propaganda. When Parliament was dissolved and Tun Abdul Razak took control, it confirmed our suspicion that a riot was started to allow the election results to be cancelled. It was a coup d’etat by Razak and UMNO.

    TODAY, NOT MUCH HAS CHANGED. UMNO STILL BLAMES DAP. THE MCA? Can’t trust them as they’re so scared of the BIGGER WOLF that is UMNO while MCA is just a mongrel.


    Through the Internet, UMNO/BN cybertroopers spread the vicious lie that I was responsible for the May 13 riots in 1969 and that I had roamed the streets of Kuala Lumpur after the 1969 general elections results, hurling anti-Malay abuses resulting in the May 13 riots.

    In actual fact, I was never in Kuala Lumpur on May 10, 11, 12 and 13, 1969, something which could be easily verified in the media at the time and by the police records.

    I was standing for parliamentary election in Bandar Melaka in 1969 and on the morning of May 13, 1969, I had taken the morning flight to Kota Kinabalu to help in the election campaign of Sabah Independent candidates as polling for Sabah/Sarawak in the 1969 general elections was scheduled a week after that in Peninsular Malaysia.
    But what is even more monstrous is the accusation by these UMNO/BN cybertroopers that Lim Guan Eng was also responsible for the May 13 riots of 1969 on the ground that Guan Eng was the DAP Youth leader at the time and was in the forefront of anti-Malay attacks


    The triple lie: Don’t even have DAP Youth then

    Firstly, the DAP was never anti-Malay but was fully committed since our formation in 1966 to be a Malaysian party representing the legitimate rights and interests of all races in the country.

    In fact, in 1969 DAP fielded several Malay candidates for parliamentary and state assembly elections and two Malay State Assemblymen were elected on DAP tickets, one in Perak and the other in Negri Sembilan.

    Secondly, there was no DAP Youth in l969 as DAPSY (DAP Socialist Youth) was only formed in 1973, and the late P.Patto was the first DAPSY leader.

    Thirdly, Guan Eng was only eight years old in May 1969 – and it illustrates how dirty and unprincipled politics has degenerated in Malaysia in the run up to the next general elections that such a despicable and contemptible accusation could be leveled against an eight-year-old child!

    SUPER GUAN ENG: Only 8 yrs old in 1969 and yet Umno says he started May 13 – 23/05 5:40 pm
    The Bethel Hill Old Folks’ Home in Kuala Nerang, Kedah
    IN PART 4, the following was posted:

    4 I was friends with an American woman, an old lady, who started a fruit orchard and an old folks’ home in Kuala Nerang, Kedah. In 1969, at Chinese New Year, I had spent 5 days there, helping out. All her Chinese labourers were away for New year, so I worked for her for my bed and meals. We got to know each other well. One night, she said to me, “Simon, I know you’re trying to make me happy but you don’t have to lose at Scrabble to do that…just play your usual game.” What an astute lady!

    Anyway, a year or more after 513, we met by chance in Penang. We got to talking about how 513 had affected her and she said, No, everything was fine and there was no hostility to her or her work.

    She mentioned an incident a week after the curfew had been lifted. She was driving home on the Kuala Nerang-Alor Star road when she was waved to a stop on the dark road. It was a Malay family, father, mother and young child. The child was very sick and they had no transport to the Alor Star General Hospital. They had come out to the road to thumb a life and EVERY SINGLE CAR HAD DRIVEN BY. She was the only one who stopped! She turned her car around and fetched them to the hospital.

    513 had turned normally helpful souls into suspicious people.

    That old folks’ home is still in existence today. It is the Bethel Hill Old Folks Home.

    Read more: All fired up with love for the elderly – Northern – New Straits Times
    See the link below.
    All fired up with love for the elderly

    KUALA NERANG: OUR firemen recently showed that they are not only fire-fighters, but also voluntary workers.

    Read more: Northern – New Straits Times

    Wednesday February 22, 2012

    A GROUP of 40 people from Penang calling themselves the Mercy Group brought cheer to the Bethel Hill Old Folks Home near Kuala Nerang in Kedah.

    They spent over four hours at the home. Haircuts were given to the 13 female residents while ang pow and groceries such as milk and biscuits were handed over to the home’s residents.

    The group concluded their visit on Sunday by singing Mandarin songs which the residents clearly enjoyed.

    Kindness and care for old folk – The Star Online

    A GROUP of 40 people from Penang calling themselves the Mercy Group brought cheer to the Bethel Hill Old Folks Home near Kuala Nerang in Kedah. They spent over four …… – Cached

    See PART 4
    The Malaysian diaspora (emigration) is one of the consequences of May 13.

    Migration is very much an ethnic phenomenon in Malaysia, mostly Chinese but also Indian,” Schellekens told Bloomberg in Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday ahead of the report’s release today.
    Malaysia’s brain drain worsening and social injustice the …

    The number of ethnic Chinese among Malaysian migrants … report concluded that the “Malaysian diaspora … is very much an ethnic phenomenon in Malaysia, mostly Chinese but …… – Cached
    My Post on 513 is personal. For a far larger view, click on the link below
    Umno used May 13 to cocoon Malays’ | Free Malaysia Today

    Umno used the May 13, 1969 racial riots to remind the Chinese and non-Malays not to question ‘Ketuanan Melayu’ and antagonise the Malays.… – Cached

    Today is the anniversary of our darkest days. Not a day for celebrations but a day to reflect when many lives were lost and our nation was confronted with its worst nightmare of having its own people turning against each other for no other reasons but race.
    When the Riots broke out on May 13, 1969, I was 19 and working at the Mercantile Bank (since then, absorbed by the Hong Kong Bank).
    As is my practice, the most recent addition to my Post is put at the front to make it more convenient for readers who have been following my post…

    PART 4

    The Malaysian diaspora (emigration) is one of the consequences of May 13.

    1 People who could, mostly the professional and educated, began to emigrate. It was not apparent in the first year but suddenly, you missed people. They were gone.

    2 The mentality of the Chinese began to change. It was time to seek a new sanctuary, a new refuge. Malaysia was unsafe, even hazardous, for the Chinese. Parents worked harder at making sure their children could go overseas.

    The instruction was straightforward: Go and find a new home abroad, and bring the rest of us over. We are not safe here.

    3 That was the message drummed into the minds of the next generation. All those who could, carried out these instructions to the letter. It helped to discover that life was much better overseas in many ways. You climbed society’s rungs on merit. There was no racial ceiling. You didn’t worry about racial riots.

    Someone I know, who had an MD, a Doctor of Medicine degree, and was a specialist, was treated just like a new doctor. He felt that it was because he was Chinese. He was on call 24/7. He left after a year or so. Australia literally grabbed him. He never came back. Indeed, he began taking his siblings over.

    Singapore was an easy destination. Go there and study, and stay on. The Singapore government was co-operative: come over and study! Fees were low and the Malaysian dollar was stronger than the Singapore dollar then.

    The Malaysia disapora, a trickle at first, became a torrent.… – Cached
    Main – Malaysia – Social injustice main cause of country’s …

    The number of ethnic Chinese among Malaysian migrants … report concluded that the “Malaysian diaspora … is very much an ethnic phenomenon in Malaysia, mostly Chinese but …… – Cached

    KUALA LUMPUR, April 28 — Social injustice is one of the top three reasons behind the country’s brain drain, the World Bank said today, adding that Malaysians are only willing to return if the government shifts from race-based to needs-based affirmative action policies.

    PART 3
    This part has accounts from others that I am uncertain about. Are they authentic? Still, I shall set them down for posterity.

    1 A few years after 513, I became friends with someone, a Chinese, in the Federal Reserve Unit (FRU). He said that he was both saddened and repelled by what he saw and heard during 513. He and other Chinese in the FRU were confined to barracks but, not until the 3rd day. By then, he had seen enough to know that something was very wrong with the nation. Chinese civilians against Malay civilians, Malay civilians against Chinese civilians: that was terrible. However, he couldn’t stomach the fact that in many cases in the first 3 days, army, police and FRU took part in the atrocities. During the period of confinement at barracks, he felt very much offended: they DIDN’T trust him and others in the FRU simply because they were Chinese!

    To what extent was what he said true? I didn’t know then, and I had no means of verifying. I don’t know now either.

    2 A couple, friends of mine for a long time, emigrated soon after 513. He was a school teacher and she, a senior nurse. Suddenly, they were gone. Years later, I met up with them in their new homeland, and asked, “Why did you emigrate?” He turned to her, and she looked at me. “So many dead bodies, almost all Chinese,were brought to the hospital, so I was horrified by the thought that it was not safe to be in my own country just because I am Chinese. My terror was such that I lived in constant fear. When would it happen to me, to us?”

    3 The horrific events of 513 left deep scars in people’s minds. 513 was in 1969. I had a motorbike, a Suzuki 70. I loved going around on it, not only in town but also out. Cameron Highlands? Gone there on the little bike. Penang? Painful for the bottom and back. Lumut? Short enough of a trip to be enjoyable.

    From late 1968 to April 1969, almost every Saturday, I would ride to Ayer Tawar and stay there till Monday morning. There was no power supply after 7 pm in those days, but it mattered little as my friend, Robert Tan, a teacher, was a good companion. Mainly, it was an opportunity to get away from the house, forget about my unhappy working life (at the bank) and relax.

    513 had interrupted all that but as soon as I deemed it safe enough, I resumed my visits to Robert in Ayer Tawar. The road there passed through Malay kampongs. It crossed the old bridge with Bota Kiri on one side and bota Kanan on the other. I was cautious and never stopped for anything, and if a set of traffic lights was ahead, I timed it. NO STOPPING! A year after my last trip, I began to realize that it was misplaced phobia. The Malays there were not like those in KL!

    4 I was friends with an American woman, an old lady, who started a fruit orchard and an old folks’ home in Kuala Nerang, Kedah. In 1969, at Chinese New Year, I had spent 5 days there, helping out. All her Chinese labourers were away for New year, so I worked for her for my bed and meals. We got to know each other well. One night, she said to me, “Simon, I know you’re trying to make me happy but you don’t have to lose at Scrabble to do that…just play your usual game.” What an astute lady!

    Anyway, a year or more after 513, we met by chance in Penang. We got to talking about how 513 had affected her and she said, No, everything was fine and there was no hostility to her or her work.

    She mentioned an incident a week after the curfew had been lifted. She was driving home on the Kuala Nerang-Alor Star road when she was waved to a stop on the dark road. It was a Malay family, father, mother and young child. The child was very sick and they had no transport to the Alor Star General Hospital. They had come out to the road to thumb a life and EVERY SINGLE CAR HAD DRIVEN BY. She was the only one who stopped! She turned her car around and fetched them to the hospital.

    513 had turned normally helpful souls into suspicious people.

    I shall summarize my memories in no particular order.
    PART 1

    1 The whole family was in Ipoh except for my eldest sister, who was at the Specialist Teachers’ Training Institute in KL.

    We heard nothing of the riots at all from TV or radio. On the morning of May 14, our telephone did not work. TV1 and TV2 kept posting the word PENGUMUMAN (ANNOUNCEMENT) all day and night, and a CURFEW was announced some time in the morning. It was announced early enough for people to tell their neighbours NOT to go to work or market, or out at all.

    2 Somehow, Father heard that there were racial riots in KL. By what means? I don’t know to this day. We began to worry about my eldest sister. (We were relieved to learn on the 3rd day that she was safe, but more of that later.)

    3 My eldest brother, a graduate in medicine from UM, had got a posting as a houseman at the University Hospital, KL, but was home on holiday. He was getting impatient. He had a strong desire to get to the University Hospital to help out.

    4 Somehow, news got through. Chinese and Malay were fighting and troops/police had shot many rioters. A young doctor, a Chinese, rumour had it, was shot dead at a road block manned by police and army. He had answered the government’s call for all doctors to go to the nearest hospital but had had an unfortunate end. That decided itfor Father. Eldest brother was NOT going anywhere. Home was safer.

    5 TV and radio stations kept playing nationalist music all day and night, interspersed with PENGUMUMAN.

    6 We saw no one on the road although, on the second morning, a Malay policeman had ridden past at top speed on his bicycle, frantic with fear. Did he think we would attack him? Nobody was on the street at all. Once a while, someone went out to the compound of the house, and my father also went outside, and he and the neighbours on the left and right would engage in whispered conversations over the fence.

    7 We didn’t starve except that a diet of rice and ikan bilis, rice and pork luncheon meat, rice and sardine, rice and dace, didn’t do much for the appetite.

    8 Father had finished all his cigarettes on the second day and being an addict, had to have a cigarette. “Go to the sundry shop down the road and buy me a pack of cigarettes,” he instructed me. Huh? Was he serious? Yes, a quick glance at his stern face was enough to send me out the door and down the road. The danger of being shot by a passing policeman was quickly overcome by the thought of his fury. You may have heard the saying, A hungry man is an angry man. I knew from young that A cigarette-craving father is a furious father!

    9 The grocer was not surprised when I arrived. One look at me from his peephole and out he rushed to his gate. One hand held out a packet of cigarettes (he knew my father’s brand) and the other took my money and handed me the change. The transaction was brief and quick.

    I ran back home and gave the drug-sticks to Father. Mission accomplished.


    Tonight has come far quicker than I had expected. When you are busy, time really flies….
    PART 2

    1 The curfew meant that I didn’t go to work. It was very boring being at home all the time, with brief excursions outside the house, into the compound. The back compound was safer, being out of sight of the road. We had no back lane. A house occupied by an extended family of Sikhs was right behind. There was no newspaper to break the monotony. We left the TV on, never mind the government propaganda that was being broadcast. I had old copies of Reader’s Digest which I could now re-read. I lay in bed reading and reading…

    2 When the curfew was lifted for 3 hours (or was it for 4 hours?), there was a frantic rush to the shops. As the phone now worked (and it would work only for the duration of the curfew break), Mother telephoned our usual sundry shop man in Kampong Simee. No, he couldn’t do the normal thing of delivering our order. He was completely swamped. We would have to go to him.

    3 Mother gave him our order, and then Father and Mother (and I forget who else) went in the car from our house in Harmony Park in Silibin to the sundry shop in Kg Simee. Having been instructed to go to the back door, they did so. At a pre-arranged signal of several knocks, the owner opened the door and handed over our order. Including cigarettes. Mother paid him. NO EXTRA CHARGE. These were honest people, and still run their sundry shop but it is now in Ipoh Garden. (Incidentally, I was English tutor to several of their daughters and nieces in the 1990s.)

    4 What did I do during the curfew break? I got on my motorbike and went to visit a girl I had a crush on. I was 19 and thought I really liked her. I visited briefly, and then left. Next stop was a newspaper and magazine stall. NO NEWSPAPER YET but there were magazines, so I bought a couple. You can only take so much of Reader’s Digest and then that is it. As I had to get back home before the curfew ended, I zoomed off.

    5 While the phone still worked, we called up relatives. The aunt and cousins in Penang were alright. A cousin living on Air Hitam Road told of clashes nearby. Once, he looked out of the window facing the road and saw some soldiers patrolling. When one looked up at him, down he withdrew under the sill, holding his breath. Would they come banging away at his front door? Phew, nothing happened.

    6 I remember with a mild surprise how well our family got on in that little house during our enforced “imprisonment”. Father, Mother, eldest brother, elder brother, younger brother and I, and the cook cum servant. I think my younger sister was still around; hadn’t left for Singapore yet. Total, 8 people. No quarrels. The greatest anxiety on my part was the fact that Father was home round the clock. I lived in fear of him then, so I avoided him as much as I could. I was the black sheep of the family, a recalcitrant.

    7 We were all relieved to hear from my elder sister that she was fine and safe.

    I had written the following:

    She and some of her fellow trainees from the Specialist Teachers’ Training Institute had gone for a movie, and in the middle of it, they had to leave, in fear and panic. It was the night the riots began! Some of their course mates were Malay and protected them from harm. Under escort by these wonderful Malays, they walked back to college.

    This is what my sister, Ruth, has just written:

    Ruth Wong (15 May 2012: about midday)

    May 13 did not catch us by surprise, as STTI was at the Cheras area, a predominantly Chinese enclave. Our campus & hostel was up on a hill, but quite a long way from the main road. though we did hear an explosion a distance away! Our male fellow trainees (Chinese, Indians & Malays) under our warden’s supervision, formed a vigilante group to guard our campus round-the-clock and keep us informed …. It was peaceful on campus among friends of different races and I was never worried for my safety with them, ( Ah ,I was not at the cinema and has never been to any in KL, but practising at the gymn ,as Miss Arnold, our instructor , was a task ‘master’! We had ‘ escorts’ to & from the gymn, which was at a secluded end of the campus.) I was more worried about my family than about myself.

    PART 3 will be some time tomorrow, I hope. Monday brings with it a full day..
    Try my best, as some of my students say!

  5. #25
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
    May 13: Umno’s effete election weapon ― Kua Kia Soong

    July 23, 2012

    JULY 23 ― The “May 13 Incident” was a pogrom. It was not as “racial riot”.

    This was how it all started after the results of the 1969 general election were known:

    “Late on Tuesday afternoon (May 13, 1969), young Malays from the whole of Selangor began to assemble outside the residence of the Selangor Mentri Besar, Datuk Harun. A retaliatory march had been planned by the Umno Youth to end in a rally at Suleiman Court near Batu Road, but police permission was withheld. While people were still assembling for this parade, trouble broke out in the nearby Malay section of Kampung Baru, where two Chinese lorries were burnt.

    “By 6.30pm, a crowd was raging down Jalan Raja Muda towards Batu Road. Another group came out of Kampung Baru into Jalan Hale, another exit from the Malay section into the Chinese areas. By 7.15pm, I could see the mobs swarming like bees at the junction of Jalan Raja Muda and Batu Road. More vehicles were smashed and Chinese shop houses set on fire…” (Malaysia: Requiem for democracy? By Bob Reece, FEER, 18/24 May 1969)

    That much is clear from the declassified documents examined in my 2007 title on this subject. The attempt by the government then to blame it on communists and the opposition parties fell flat according to foreign correspondents as well as the confidential dispatches by foreign diplomats in Kuala Lumpur.

    More pertinently, my thesis is that “May 13” was orchestrated by then emergent state capitalist class in Umno in a coup d’état against the Tunku’s aristocratic class.

    A fascist trend

    That is the first point Malaysian historians should take note. May 13 was the first of a fascist trend that would be resurrected at every challenge to the Umnoputras’ rule since 1971. It is part and parcel of the “Bumiputeraism” that is the populist ideology of this new ruling class since 1971 to garner support from the Malays.

    Apart from civil rights demands by the Non-Malays (e.g. Suqiu in 2000), general elections have posed the biggest threats to the political control by the Umnoputras. Umno has used the same weapon at every general election.

    I remember the one in 1990 when images and specially made programmes of May 13 were shown nightly on RTM. The mainstream press also carried BN-sponsored advertisements showing the May 13 carnage in order to spook the electorate.

    The 2008 general election was the closest to BN losing federal power so you can bet “May 13” will be used in an even more blatant way by the Umno strategists in the impending 13th general election. I believe there is already a propaganda film made to try to purvey the “official” version of the May 13 Incident. No doubt it will try to pin the blame on communists and the Opposition parties.

    Demonising communism

    The official Umno strategy all these years has been to demonise “communism” as a Chinese phenomenon in Malaysia even though there were Malay leaders and members among the CPM ranks. With the majority of the Chinese electorate finally declaring their rejection of Umno’s racist and discriminatory policies en masse ― evident in their voting trend since 2008 ― Umno has raised the communist bogey again by alleging that Opposition has been infiltrated by communists.

    For seasoned historians, this serves the dual purpose of trying to frighten middle class Malaysians and to further alienate the Malays from the Opposition; at the same time, this allegation gives the BN the justification to unleash another “security” operation by using detention without trial to put away Opposition leaders and dissidents at the opportune time just as they have done so many times in the past.

    Truth & Reconciliation Commission

    As I have raised in my 2007 title, for Malaysians to thoroughly exorcise the May 13 ghost we need to establish a Truth & Reconciliation Commission to uncover the culprits responsible for orchestrating the pogrom; to document the victims and to pay respects to all those who lost their lives; to hear the testimonies of the police, the army, hospital staff and participants, as well as to hear from all those who were traumatised during those weeks in 1969.

    If the Barisan Nasional cannot do this, it is up to PR to undertake this process if and when they take over the federal government.

    Unite against fascism & racism

    As the 13th general election approaches, Malaysians should brace themselves for more and more intense BN propaganda onslaught preying on the May 13 spectre. Even though this tried and trite election weapon has been shown to be effete in frightening the electorate, we must stay vigilant considering the fascist tendency of recent years.

    The 13th general election is the time for Malaysians to unite against fascism and to end racism & racial discrimination once and for all.....

    * Dr Kua Kia Soong is adviser to Suaram, a human rights group.

    * This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.

  6. #26
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
    Now we know who was really the butcher of May 13

    Gerakan stalwart backs Hadi’s May 13 stand

    May 1, 2013 at 12:34 pm Leave a comment

    Gerakan stalwart backs Hadi’s May 13 stand

    5:04PM May 1, 2013

    A Gerakan veteran emerged today to back PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang, who accused Umno of masterminding the May 13 racial riots in 1969.Hadi told a political rally in Kuala Kangsar, Perak, on Monday that the bloody racial riots 44 years ago were orchestrated by Umno to cling on to power.
    “May 13 was not an ethnic phenomenon. It was a political occurrence,” former Gerakan leader Goh Cheng Teik told Malaysiakini.

    “Only those who were members of Umno or associated with it were involved. PAS members had nothing to do with May 13.”

    Goh, 70, who served as a deputy minister and a Penang executive councillor 25 years, had done extensive research on the riots when he was a lecturer at Universiti Malaya and published a book, ‘The May Thirteenth Incident and Democracy in Malaysia’, in 1971.

    He joined politics three years later and was appointed parliamentary secretary to then prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein.

    According to Goh, the riots in Kuala Lumpur started even before the counter-procession was held by Umno in response to opposition victory marches in the wake of the unprecedented gains by PAS, DAP and Gerakan in the 1969 general election.

    “Members, supporters and well-wishers of a ruling party that prides itself in upholding the rule of law rioted before the start of a ‘victory’ procession in front of the official residence of the state chief minister,” he said.

    A day of shame and sorrow

    Goh still believes there was no need for the nationwide declaration of the State of Emergency as the violence was localised, much like the recent militant incursion into Lahad Datu in Sabah, and argued that the riots were mostly politically-driven.

    “That is why the disturbances were not national in character, according to (then prime minister) Tunku Abdul Rahman, but virtually confined to Kuala Lumpur.

    “No serious breach of the peace or act of violence took place in any other part of Peninsular Malaysia on or after May 13.”

    The declaration of Emergency paved the way for the suspension of Parliament.

    Goh, who holds the distinction of being Malaysia’s first Harvard scholar, is currently an adjunct professor with Sunway University.

    Asked why he was speaking out on the issue now, he said young people today should know the truth behind May 13, an issue repeatedly raised in the ongoing campaign for Sunday’s general election.

    “May 13 was not a day of glory for Malaysians. It was a day of shame and sorrow,” lamented Goh.

    UMNO cetuskan tragedi 13 Mei?

    KUALA KANGSAR – Walaupun sejarah telah mencatatkan bahawa tragedi 13 Mei bermula daripada provokasi pembangkang, tetapi Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang dilihat cuba membela rakan sekutunya apabila menuduh UMNO mencetuskan rusuhan kaum pada 1969 itu.

    Dalam satu ceramah di Arena Square di sini malam tadi, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang mendakwa persengketaan antara kaum itu didalangi oleh UMNO untuk mengekalkan kuasanya.

    “Pas pernah bekerjasama (dengan UMNO) dari 1970 hingga 1978 selepas 13 Mei, kita menyedari 13 Mei adalah provokasi yang dibuat oleh UMNO, kekacauan untuk mengekalkan kuasanya.

    “(Tragedi) 13 Mei tidak berlaku di Kelantan, tidak berlaku di Terengganu dan tidak berlaku di Kedah. Kekacauan berlaku di Kuala Lumpur dan Pulau Pinang, negeri tempat BN perintah masa itu,” katanya.

    Dalam ceramah yang dihadiri kira-kira 1,000 penyokong pembangkang itu, Abdul Hadi juga cuba menidakkan kebaikan Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia (BR1M) dengan mendakwa pendekatan itu sebagai tidak bijak.

    Ketika rakyat khususnya golongan berpendapatan rendah menyambut baik pemberian BR1M, Abdul Hadi pula mendakwa kononnya bantuan itu bermotif politik.

    Abdul Hadi sekali lagi melemparkan tohmahan apabila menyatakan kononnya BR1M hanya diberi ketika dekat pilihan raya sedangkan kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN) sudah menyalurkan bantuan itu sejak tahun lalu lagi.

    Peliknya, selepas memburuk-burukkan tindakan kerajaan menyalurkan BR1M, Abdul Hadi mengalu-alukan orang ramai untuk mengambil bantuan tersebut.

    “Dia bagi BR1M, ambil. Itu duit kita tetapi kalau kita sudah kaya, bagi dekat orang miskin. Kalau tidak jumpa orang miskin, bagi dekat kami, kami buat bendera banyak-banyak,” katanya.
    Hadi Awang dakwa 13 Mei provokasi Umno

    28 Apr 2013 01:28pm

    Gambar oleh: Mohd Nor Syafiq Safian
    Oleh Azizul Osman (

    KUALA KANGSAR – Presiden Pas, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang membangkitkan tragedi 13 Mei dengan mendakwa ia adalah provokasi Barisan Nasional (BN) untuk mengekalkan kuasa di negara ini.

    Katanya Pas keluar daripada BN pada 1970 disebabkan oleh tindakan yang diambil kepimpinan BN pada masa itu untuk menimbulkan kekacauan pada tahun 1969.

    Ujar beliau kekacauan pada tarikh itu hanya berlaku di negeri-negeri di bawah BN seperti Kuala Lumpur dan Pulau Pinang.

    “Mengapa tak boleh kerjasama dengan Umno? Tahun 70 Pas pernah kerjasama. Selepas 13 Mei Pas menyedari adalah provokasi yang dibuat oleh Umno kekacauan untuk mengekalkan kuasa dia, 13 Mei tidak berlaku di Kelantan tak berlaku di Terengganu tak berlaku di Kedah negeri yang kuat Pas.”

    Kenyataan Hadi itu dibuat di hadapan lebih 5,000 penduduk Kuala Kangsar dalam majlis lawatan beliau ke Perak.

    Sehubungan itu, katanya Pas bertindak mengadakan kerjasama dengan parti politik lain untuk membentuk kerajaan lain.

    Permuafakatan antara tiga parti pembangkang, katanya adalah sangat berbeza di mana masih mengekalkan identiti parti masing-masing.

    “Kerjasama Pas dan DAP, kerjasama DAP dengan Pas bersama PKR tidak sama dengan BN. Kerjasama BN menghilangkan jati diri Umno , menghilangkan keperibadian MCA, menghilangkan kewibawaan orang India kerana dipengaruhi oleh politik wang politik menyeleweng , politik yang penuh dengan kepalsuaan dan kemungkaran.”

    Beliau menegaskan mengikut ajaran Islam, ia membentuk golongan muslim untuk bekerjasama dengan bangsa lain tanpa mengira perbezaan agama.

    Hadir sama Pengerusi Pakatan Rakyat Perak, Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin.


  7. #27
    Join Date
    Oct 2008
    WEEKEND EDITION MAY 26-28, 2007 SHARE ON FACEBOOK SHARE ON TWITTER SHARE ON GOOGLE MORE SHARING SERVICES4A New Explanation for an Incident that Continues to Divide Malaysian Ethnic GroupsThe 1969 Riots Against the Chinese in Malaysia HEATHER GRAYThe past is never dead. It’s not even past.Willam FaulknerIt was in 1971 that I arrived in Singapore along with my one year old son and Australian husband who worked for the Australian embassy. We had taken the maiden voyage of Qantas’ first 747 Jumbo Jet from Darwin, Australia. In Singapore, we were soon witness to the legacy of European colonialism in the Asian context, Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew’s total grip on the city-state, and the power struggles between the Southeast Asian religious, ethnic and political groups. Violence against the Chinese in neighboring Malaysia in 1969 had proceeded our arrival and now decades after that tragedy new information has been revealed about those riots by Malaysian academic Dr. Kua Kia Soong in his recently released book, ‘May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969′.In 1971, I had been out the United States for a few years after marrying and living in Australia. Once landing in Singapore and being rushed to a hotel, I awoke that first Asian morning to a song by American country singer Ray Stevens blaring from the clock radio. Stevens (whose real name was Ray Ragsdale) had been a classmate who had preceded me by a number of years at Druid Hills High School in Atlanta, Georgia. It seemed altogether strange that my first encounter in Singapore would be with a former classmate from Georgia.I soon learned, however, that Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew, while wanting western money and trade, was not enamored with western "youth"–it’s overall culture or singers. Western bands coming to Singapore had to perform with hair nets (Lee did not like males wearing long hair) and once they had performed they were required to go immediately to their hotel rooms, as Lee did not want them mingling with Singaporeans. There were signs in government places, such as the post office, that displayed the appropriate hair length and any male with hair that hung over his collar would be served last or would have to go to the end of the line. Young Singaporean couples were not allowed to kiss or hold hands in public.One of the Lee’s rules that made absolute sense to me was that no one was allowed to have standing water. In this tropical zone, this was one of the ways malaria infected mosquitoes were controlled. Impromptu visits by authorities were made on occasion to ensure you had not violated the ruling and you were fined appropriately if you had! I was always a nervous wreck that there might be standing water somewhere! The benefit of all this was that our apartment was open to the outside at all times, except during monsoons. I never saw a mosquito.Singapore is located at the tip of the Malaysian peninsula and historically the fate of Singapore and Malaysia has been closely related. Primarily ethnic Malays, Chinese and Indians, with Singapore having a majority of Chinese, populate both Singapore and Malaysia.It seemed as if all of Southeast Asia was a caldron in 1971. Some of the historical context Malaysia had been occupied by European powers since 1511 (first Portugal, then the Dutch, then Britain) and Singapore had been occupied since the 1600′s by the same three European powers.o After WWII the anti-colonial movement resulted in Malaysia winning its independence from Britain in 1957 and by 1959 Singapore was independent as well. By 1963 a Malaysian Federation was created of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak.o After independence a struggle for power increased between the groups, particularly between the ethnic Malays, largely Muslim, and the Chinese, mostly Buddhistso Much to Lee Kwan Yew’s disappointment, by 1965 Singapore was essentially asked to leave the Malaysian Federation. Apparently, Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, otherwise known as the Tunku (Prince), and other Malay leaders were not thrilled with Lee Kwan Yew’s political activities on mainland Malaysia.o Chinese leader Mao Tse Tung had launched the Cultural Revolution throughout China in 1966 and he declared it completed in 1969.o In Indonesia in 1965-66, thousands of Indonesian Chinese were among those specially targeted in the riots to overthrow President Sukarno who had strengthened his ties to with Chinese communists and had admitted communists into his government. The CIA tried unsuccessfully to hide its involvement in this "Year of Living Dangerously."o At the time, Singapore was a haven for many Hong Kong Chinese who were concerned about the end of the British 99 year lease of Hong Kong that began in 1898. In the 1990′s with the end of the lease, Hong Kong would come under the authority of China. Many Hong Kong Chinese held both Singaporean and Hong Kong passports, with residences in both cities.o The legacy of WWII was still a reality in 1971. While some in Southeast Asia welcomed the Japanese occupation during WWII as a way of ending western occupation, the ruthlessness of the Japanese occupiers definitely dampened this enthusiasm. However, the Japanese defeat of the British controlled Singapore in but 6 days radically altered the Asian view of European invincibility. Lee Kwan Yew admitted that while he was appalled at the Japanese cruelty, still he was impressed with Japanese efficiency and the systems they put in place.But in 1971, however, we were told that the Japanese who had occupied Singapore and their descendants were not allowed into the city-state.o In 1971, Ferdinand Marcos was President of the Philippines with close ties to the Nixon Administration. That year "a group calling themselves the People’s Revolutionary Front (PRF) claimed responsibility for two bombings at the headquarters of U.S. oil companies in Manila, Philippines. The bombs killed one and caused extensive damage. A note at the site of the bombings claimed responsibility for the attacks in the name of the group and said "this is the anger of the Filipino people against American imperialism." (MIPT Terrorism: Knowledge Base)o In 1971 the Vietnam War was raging, the anti-communist sentiment was strong and the domino theory predominated in western government thought and policies.Britain’s occupation in Southeast Asia was with its usual arrogance of white supremacy, which played out socially and economically. The British are, of course, excellent at dividing and ruling their colonies. In fact, the hierarchical British seem proficient at increasing the gaps in social divisions that were already at play or creating them for their own benefit to decrease the potential power of the existing indigenous population.During its occupation the British did encourage migration from India and China to the Malaysian peninsula and the subsequent independent nations are forced to adjust to it all. The lucrative Malaysian tin mining, for one, was a major incentive for the British in the 19th and 20th centuries.In Singapore and Malaysia, the ethnic Malays were at the lower end of the scale and were generally considered the laborers and farmers in the rural areas; Indians were the drivers and guards; and the Chinese were the middle/upper class entrepreneurs in the urban areas. All of this is stereotypical and, of course, was not always played out in reality but was usually the scheme in the social and economic strata and the gaps in income and social/economic power was profound. From the religious hierarchy, then, it was the Malay Muslims and the Indian Hindus at the lower rank, and the Chinese Buddhists at the higher end, with the occupying British Christians at the top of it all.But after WWII and the western concern about communist China, the Chinese population throughout Southeast Asia became suspect by Britain, the U.S. and Australia. It was thought by some that the Southeast Asian Chinese would side with China regardless of their links with western capitalism. This was not the beginning of negative attitudes about the Chinese, however, as the Southeast Asian complexities and power struggles have long been a reality. Also, Southeast Asian countries have always worried about the long-arm of a powerful China.In this period and up to the present, there was speculation that China was supporting and fostering Southeast Asian Chinese in the creation of communist groups throughout the region to challenge western influence. To counter this, in the cold war period (and up to the present I might add), there was significant secret service activity from the CIA, British MI5 and ASIS from Australia throughout the region.The jockeying for power has never been simply about ethnic rivalry since independence, it has always been about who will control and benefit from the natural resources in Southeast Asia.On a clear day from my apartment in Singapore I could see the Indonesian island of Sumatra. In our apartment building, in fact, there were Americans who were gone for months into the neighboring Indonesia on oil exploration activities for the Texas based Huffco and Mobile Oil, apparently at the invitation of the Indonesian government. I was never sure about this–at always seemed so secretive. (Occasionally they brought out, illegally, Dutch antiques such as the famous Dutch oil lamps, the traffic of which the Indonesian President Suharto was wisely trying to control.)On May 13, 1969, riots against the Chinese began in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. It was considered the worst racial riot in Malaysian history. Many Malaysian Chinese fled to Singapore for protection. We were told the rivers ran red in Malaysia with Chinese blood. One of my European friends married to a Chinese described how she and others hid in a hospital for protection and how the Malay Chinese were running everywhere from the hordes of attacking Malays. My husband ultimately moved to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in the mid-1970′s and his secretary, of Chinese descent, described how she came home during the riots to find her husband’s head in her refrigerator.Some police figures are that 196 people died in the riot, many more were wounded–there were numerous cases of arson and approximately 6,000 Kuala Lumpur residents (of which 90% were Chinese) became homeless. Some have said the actual tragedy far exceeded the official figures.It has been suggested–in fact this is the official position – that the riots resulted from the tallies of the 1969 elections in which the largely Chinese dominated Democratic Action Party and the Gerakan Party made significant gains in opposition to the Malay controlled United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Members of the winning party marched through Kuala Lumpur through some largely Malay areas. It is said the demonstrators carried brooms that symbolized "sweeping" the Malays out of Kuala Lumpur. The official policy was that the Malays resented all of this and the riots ensued–basically that the Chinese had themselves to blame. It is the classic "blaming the victim" explanation.In his book, Dr. Kua Kia Soong, however, has reported from recently released British files and reports from foreign correspondents, that there were suspicious activities prior to and during the riots that suggest the riots were not spontaneous but rather planned in advance.Dr. Kua sites many examples, but for one he reports a foreign correspondent’s notes that on May 13 "In the side streets off Jalan Hale, I could see bands of Malay youths armed with parangs and sharpened bamboo spears assembled in full view of troops posted at road junctions. Meanwhile, at Batu Road, a number of foreign correspondents saw members of the Royal Malay Regiment firing into Chinese shophouses for no apparent reason."Other examples include observations that there were unfair curfew policies that discriminated against the Chinese.Dr. Kua revealed that "the National Cultural Policy (announced in 1971) burst in the 80s, it was alreadythought of one week after (the May 13 incident)" ("Unveiling the ‘May 13′ riots" by Beh Lih Yi).Dr. Kua suggests there was, in fact, a "coup d’etat" backed by the army and police to place the "ascendant capitalist class" in power–or those elements in the Malaysian Alliance who were more favorable to the western economies.This is what ultimately happened. The Tunku soon lost power after the riots and Tun Abdul Razak, more aligned with the west, became Prime Minister not long after. Dr. Kua said those orchestrating the coup wanted to oust the old aristocracy and replace it with one that would aspire toward a new economic agenda.It was difficult for Dr. Kua to publish his book and as its thesis is contrary to the official explanation for the riot, many Malaysian politicians have asked that it be banned. It’s unlikely his book will radically alter the history of Malaysia, but at least finally there are documents that reveal some alternative to the official explanation.The 1969 riots have continued to plague the relations between the various Malaysian ethnic groups. For one, there was the controversial "Malaysianization" (National Cultural Policy) policies of Malaysia in the 1980′s were thought primarily to be about the perceived need to replace the Chinese control of the banking, business and academic institutions with ethnic Malays. To this day, there is still an unease about the potential of violence as the power struggles between groups continue.Much more needs to be written about western government involvement in the May 13, 1969 Malaysian sordid affair, but the writing is on the wall. Unfortunately, there are always innocent victims from the machinations of greed and power mongering and never enough accountability.HEATHER GRAY produces "Just Peace" on WRFG-Atlanta 89.3 FM covering local, regional, national and international news. She can be reached at

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